^ e u i s t a be fnuc-stigacicm ^fiuliana y ptc-bieualisiica ^ublicaba pur la ^ H a i...

^ e u i s t a be fnuc-stigacicm ^fiuliana y ptc-bieualisiica


^ublicaba pur la


^ H a i t t r i m t s i s jSSchoIa ^Jullistica


Num. 74


S U M A R I O


L. B A D I A , Estudi del Phantasticus dc Ramon Llull pag. 5-22


W. W. A R T U S , Ramon LlulFs concept of creation pag. 23-68


F. D O M I N G U E Z , Erhard-Wolfram Platzcck (1903-1985). Cuaren-


ta y cinco arios de investigacion luliana pag. 69-80


A. B O N N E R , Modificacions al cataleg d 'obres de Ramon Llull pag. 81-92


R. C A N T A V E L L A , La dona als textos de Llull pag. 93-98
Bibliografia Lul-listica 1984-85 pag. 99-106
Ressenyes pag. 107-128


Vol. XXVI , Fasc. 1 P A L M A D E M A L L O R C A (Espana) Ario XXVI: 1986




E S T U D I O S L U L I A N O S es una revista semestral, que aparece en los me-
ses de abril y octubre , y se publica bajo la responsabilidad del C O N S E J O
A C A D E M I C O D E LA M A I O R I C E N S I S S C H O L A LULLISTICA.


Secretario de redaccion: Prof. Dr . Jordi Gaya Estelrich.


Para correspondencia, envio de originales, libros para recesion e inter-
cambio:


Estudios Lulianos
Apar tado de Correos n" 17
07080 Palma de Mallorca
Espafia


Distribucion:


Editorial Moll
Torre del Amor , 4
07001 Palma de Mallorca
Espana


Precio de subscripcion: 1.500 ptas. anuales.
Numero suelto: 800 ptas.
Rogamos consulten el precio de los numeros atrasados y de la coleccion
completa de la revista (Agotado el n° 19, disponible en fotocopias).


I S S N 0 4 2 5 - 3 7 5 2


© Estudios Lulianos
Maioricensis Schola Lullistica
Apar tado 17. Palma de Mallorca


D.L. P.M. 268-1961
Graficas Miramar, S.A. Torrc del Amor , 4. 07001 Palma de Mallorca.




£studios llulianos






^evlsia be 3(ni'estigaciort ^Juliana y ^Hc-oicualisfica


^ubltcaba por la


^iHaioricensig j$chola ^ u l l i s i i c a


V o l . X X V I 1 9 8 6 A n o X X V I


E S C U E L A L U L I S T I C A M A Y O R I C E N S I S
Palma de Mallorca






EL 26 (1986), 5-2]
L . B A D I A


E S T U D I D E L PHANTASTICUS D E R A M O N L L U L L *


Dur a terme la primera traduccio catalana completa de 1'opuscle lul-
lia Disputatio Petri Clerici et Raymundi Phantastici volia ser un acte de
reconeixement del gran interes que ofereix; realment no te cap fonament
in re el fet que hom vagi incloure dintre de les Obres Essencials de la
Selecta una traduccio del Liber Natalis Pueri Parvuli Jesu1, men t re , en
canvi, el Fantastic anava quedant sempre a 1'ombra. Els lectors de la lite-
ratura lul-liana, en efecte, nomes tenien dues opcions per a coneixer
aquest text sencer, 1'edicio incunable de 1499 o la de M. Mtiller a Wissens-
chaft und Weisheit de Friburg, publicacions poc freqiientades per aquesta
mena de lectors. El resultat es que del Fantastic t radicionalment nomes se
n 'ha valorat el proleg - q u e es una pe?a encantadora , dit sigui de passada-
amb oblit total del cos del t ractadet que int rodueix 2 . Doncs be , justifica-


Aquest estudi es una reimpressio, amb alguns retocs de la introduccio (o "justifica fervorosa"
com diu 1'autora) que acompanya la seva traduccio del Phantasiicus al catala modern. publicada en la
serie "stelle delfOrsa (Bellaterra, Barcelona, 1985). Els numeros entre parentesis al final de cites del
text fan referencia a paragrafs de la traduccio.


' Del naixement de Jesiis Infant, versio de mossen Llorenc. Riber. Revisio i anotacio de M. Batllori,
OE II (Barcelona, 1960), 1271-1295. Aquesta obra, que te tants elements que recorden la representacio
sacra nadalenca i els temes de la devocio popular a 1'Infant, te per raons obvies un gran interes per a
1'estudi de la literatura lulliana. La versio llatina, conservada en alguns manuscrits anteriors a la seva
edicio princeps, actualment s'ha de llegir a ROL VII, 19-73. Val a dir. pero, que la quantitat dc discurs
"artistic" o, si voleu, abstrus per a un lector de literatura que presenta el Liber Natalis, es mes que
considerable; tanmateix l'embolcall amable de que la revesti el beat ja va aconsellar Jaume Lefevre
d'Etaples de donar-la a la impremta al segle XV. Com veurem mes avall, en efecte, 1'impressor parisenc
Guiot Le Marchand va estampar respectivament el 6 d'abril de 1499 i el 10 del mateix mes i any dues
tirades d'un bonic incunablc que conte les segiients obres lullianes: el Libre de Sancia Maria, el Libre
de clerecia, el Fantaslic, cl Naixement de Jtsiis Infant; tot acompanyat d'una Benignis lecloris epislola de
Lefevre, de que parlarem. Vegeu RD 24 i 25.


2 J.N. Hillgarth, Ramon Lull and Lullism in fourteenth-century France (Oxford, 1971). A la p. 57
reproducix un fragment del proleg de la nostra obreta a partir de la traduccio de Peers; en nota llegim
el text llati corresponcnt. Mcs endavant Hillgarth dona diverses prccisions textuals (notes 328 i 339) que
ja esmentarem. Tambe parla a la p. 285 del lullisme de Lefevre i fa referencia al pr6leg de Lefevrc a




6 LOLA BADIA


rem aquest estudi, que justifica la versio romanica del text, amb 1'exposi-
cio i defensa dels valors literaris i de pensament d 'una obreta que no dei-
xa de ser una ars ad cognoscendum hominem discretum et hominem phan-
tasticum (41).


Primer


Segons el mes recent i complet cataleg lul-lia, el d 'Anthony B o n n e r 3 ,
la nostra obreta pot ser coneguda com a Disputatio Petri Clerici et Ray-
mundi phantastici o be com a Phantasticus. A m b aquests titols figura als
catalegs lul-lians des dels temps d'Iu Salzinger i porta el niimero 190 de la
llista de les obres del beat que han de sortir a la ROL. Tambe hem llegit
en aquest cataleg la noticia de 1'existencia de 3 manuscrits llatins a mes de
les dues edicions ja esmentades 4 . H e m pogut saber 5 , pero , que aquests
manuscrits son tots tardans i procedeixen de 1'incunable, com probable-
ment la versio francesa del segle XVII I , esmentada al mateix lloc. No hi
ha altres testimonis de versions vulgars antigues de 1'obra; la tradicio
arrenca, doncs, d 'un incunable passat per mans humanist iques, com veu-
rem.


Tal com consta a 1'anterior nota 5, molt aviat les ROL ens donaran
un nou text del Fantdstic amb la discussio ecdotica pert inent; no te sentit,
doncs, que ens posem ara en un terreny que no es el nostre. Tot el que
segueix pertany al mon de 1'especulacio literaria.


Com ja vam apuntar en un treballet esmentat a la nota 2, no deixa de
ser suggerent que la Disputatio Petri Clerici et Raymundi Phantastici que ,


1'incunable de 1499; aqui, a la nota 92, es on parla del fet que 1'edicio parisenca en queslio ha conscrval
un "unforgettable lullian self-portrait", pero afegeix que ens hem de posar en guardia davant les mani-
pulacions de 1'editor. Influida per aquests escolis vaig publicar: "Disputa del Clergue Pere i de Ramon,
el fantastic", VEstruc (abril, 1982), 1-2; notula amb la qual no feia mes que mostrar el meu fervor per
1'obreta sense aprofundir-ne el coneixement.


3 "A Cronological Calalogue of Ramon Llul\'s" dintre Selecled works of Ramon Lull (1232-1316), 2
vols. (Princeton, 1985), pp. 1257-1304 del segon tom.


J Hillgarth, ob. cit., 127, ja diu que el manuscrit 3501 de la Biblioteca Mazarina de Paris, conte una
copia del Fantasiic segons 1'incunable i una versio francesa del XVII. Tambe asscvera que el ms. 1064
de la Biblioteca Publica de Palma. fs. 110-117, es novament copia del text de Lefevre i dona una valuo-
sa pista per a recuperar fragments del text antic que, com veurem, ens dura a Nicolau de Cusa. Sembla
clar pel que diu aquest autor, confirmat per Bonner a la p. 1294 del seu cataleg, nota 109, que no hi ha
cap text catala antic del Fantastic. L'edici6 moderna que citarem repetidament es la de M. Miiller a
Wissenschaft und Weisheit II (1935), 311-324.


Agraeixo a Fernando Dominguez del Raimundus-Lullus-Institut de 1'Albert Ludwigs Universitat
de Friburg de Brisgovia 1'amabilitat amb que ha volgut atendre les meves consultes sobre la relacio
entre els manuscrits del Fantastic. Precisament ITnstitut prepara per a molt aviat un volum que contin-
dra totes les obres tardanes del beat que per raons diverses havien quedat excloses dels volums de la
ROL publicats fins ara. Per aixo se de bona font que el punt de partida textual unic de que disposem es
1'incunable de 1499; no trigarem gaire, pero, a tenir un text "canonic" tambe per al sempre extravagant
Fantastic.




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 7


com mostrarem, no es altra cosa sino una exaltacio de la "follia de D e u "
en la qual viu Llull, fos impresa sota els auspicis d 'uns nuclis pre-reformis-
tes parisencs freqiientats per Erasme de Rot te rdam i mater ialment estam-
pada per un home que havia publicat textos relacionats amb la literatura
moralitzant del mon de la "stultifera navis" 6 : Guiot Le Marchand. ^Es que
Lefevre i els seus amics, aquests cultes humanistes tan espiritualment in-
quiets de darreries del XV, retrobaven en el text de Llull llurs propies
preocupacions? Hi ha tot de coincidencies sorprenents , com ara que el fa-
mos Elogi de la Follia erasmia, fos escrit com a obra d 'entreteniment du-
rant un viatge a Anglaterra: el gran humanista , a mes, va concebre 1'obra
a cavall, mentre passava els Alps procedent d'Italia i es dirigia a casa del
seu amic Tomas Moore , a Londres 7 . L'edici6 princeps de 1'obreta es de
Paris , Gilles de Gourmont , 1511. Som a dotze anys de distancia de 1'edicio
del Fantastic i en un ambient semblant. No hi ha cosa menys humanistica
al mon que 1'estil llati de Ramon Llull; Lefevre n'estava escandali tzat 8 ,
pero no creiem que sigui cap desproposit pensar que la seva manera de
posar en practica els consells paulins era sentida al pas del segle XV al
XVI com una cosa extraordinariament moderna: sed quae stulta sunt mun-
di elegit Deus ut confundat sapientes (Cor. I, 27).


Si Llull havia sabut veure i viure la vertadera "follia de D e u " amb tot
el que aixo comporta d 'aparent paradoxa, no es gens estrany que un pen-
sador de la talla i de les inclinacions de Nicolau de Cusa s'hagues entretin-
gut a extractar per al seu tis particular alguns fragments d 'una obreta tan
insignificant dintre de 1'edifici global de 1'opus lul-lia com es ara el Fantas-
tic. Com hem dit a les notes 2 i 4, Hillgarth es qui ens posa sobre la pista
del Cusa quan ens remet a la p . 127 nota 339 del seu llibre a 1'edicio que
Eusebi Colomer va publicar del manuscrit 83 de la Biblioteca de Cusa, fs.


6 Per a aquesta darrera noticia i per a la presencia del tema literari i moral de la bogeria a la Baixa
Edat Mitjana, vegeu Michel Foucault, Histoire de la folie a Tage classique, 2 vols. (Parfs, 1964), trad.
castellana (Mexic, 19792). Es parla de 1'impressor al vol. I, 30 d'aquesta versio. Hillgarth dona bastants
orientacions sobre el lullisme de Lefevre d'Etaples en el seu llibre citat a la nota 2, 285 i ss. Vegeu
tambe cl llibre classic d'A. Renaudet, Prereforme el humanisme d Paris pendant les premieres guerres
d'llalie (1494-1517) (Paris, 1916), esp. 373 i ss. i A. Llinares, "Le lullisme de Lefevre d'Etaples et de ses
amis humanistes", a Lhumanisme francais au dehut de la Renaissance. Actes du Colloque International
de Tours (Paris, 1973), 127-136; a la p. 128 aquest critic qualifica el Fantastic de "testament spirituel" de
LIull.


7 La redaccio de la Slultiliae laus cal situar-la l'any 1509. Vegeu 1'edicid bilingue en llatf i castella
d'0. Nortes Valls (Barcelona, 1976) i la versio catalana de J. Medina (Barcelona, 1982). Per a la corres-
pondencia erasmiana, que permet saber tots aquests detalls, remeto a 1'edicio classica de P.S. Allen.
Opus epistolarum Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami, denuo recognitum et auctum, 11 vols. (Oxford, 1906-
1947).


8 Vegeu mes avall el report de 1'epistola de Lefevre; que un home capa? d'escriure llibres no domi-
ni el que ell considera un coneixement digne del llati es motiu suficient perque les seves obres caiguin
de les mans; en el cas de Llull ens encoratja a fer una excepcio.




8 LOLA BADIA


95v -96, els quals contenen fragments del nostre opuscle copiats a ma pel
cardenal sobre un manuscrit anterior a 1'edicio de Paris: 1'unic manuscrit
de que tenim noticia, doncs, independent d 'aquesta font impresa 9 .


Si, d 'acord amb 1'advertencia de Hillgarth (vegeu nota 2) , calia adop-
tar una actitud critica davant les possibles manipulacions de 1'edicio reto-
cada per Lefevre, es evident que la confrontacio d 'aquesta versio amb la
copiada del Cusa ens confirmara, per una banda , 1'autenticitat de 1'opuscle
i, per 1'altra, ens donara la mesura dels retocs introduits per 1'editor de
1499. N o deixa de tenir la seva gracia, aixo de discutir textos copiats i
corregits per tan il-lustres intel-lectuals; la posteritat de Llull ja les te ,
aquestes coses.


A les pp. 142-145 del llibre del pare Colomer hem llegit, doncs, uns
extractes del Fantastic; els hem comparats amb el text de Miiller - q u e se-
gons hem pogut constatar es d 'una fidelitat absoluta a la seva font. Els
resultats d 'aquest exercici esborren les suspicacies de Hillgarth. Nomes hi
ha correccions d'estil, encaminades a llimar 1'eixutor dels tecnicismes del
beat i a donar , fins on era possible, una tournure una mica mes classica al
llati. H e m de creure, doncs, que el Fantastic, tal com el llegim, va sortir
de la minerva de Llull: els seus admiradors del XV, tal com ens asseguren
ells mateixos (vegeu mes avall), no van fer mes que descobrir-lo i enamo-
rar-se'n. Heus aci alguns exemples de les diferencies entre el text de 1499
(P) i la copia de Nicolau de Cusa (K) . Aquests exemples comencen al
nostre paragraf 14, ja que els precedents , que constitueixen el proleg, el
Cusa ens els dona en un rapid resum.


14
P Phantasia, recta et discreta est, qua homo se iustum facit
K Phantasia, recta et discreta est, quando homo se facit iustum


20
P Ait Remundus : ars generalis principia habet generalissima, sub quibus
alia scientiae principia habent subalterna
K Ait Remundus : ars generalis habet principia generalia, sub quibus
principia aliarum scientiarum sunt subalternata (Vegeu nota 27)


9 Eusebio Colomer. Nikolaus von Kues und Raimund Llull: Aus Handschriften der Kueser Biblio-
thek (Berlin, 1961). Vegeu tambe els resums d'aquest llibre a "Ramon Llull i Nicolau de Cusa. A la
llum dels manuscrits lul-lians de la biblioteca de Cusa", EL IV (1960), 129-150 i "Ramon Llull y Nicolas
de Cusa. Ensayo de sintesis", Pensamiento 17 (1961), 471-491. Postcriorment, dcl mateix autor, De la
Edad Media al Renacimiento. Ramon l.lull. Nicolds de Cusa, Pico della Mirandola (Barcelona, 1975).




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 9


22
P Ait Remundus : Clerice, verum est me cum ipsis Parhisii disputasse.
Sed disputatio quandoque procedit secundum opiniones, quandoque secun-
dum cert i tudinem sive quoad rem. Parhisiense autem studium quasi in opi-
nionibus versum est. Ego vero non disputo, nisi secundum modum intelli-
gendi et quoad rem, cum intelligibile sit obiectum philosophiae.
K Ait Remundus : ego disputavi Parisiis cum magistris, et quia disputatio
mea est ad rem secundum modum intelligendi, cum intelligibile sit subiec-
tum philosophiae, et ipsi secundum opiniones.




27
P Finis autem causa causarum est, quia ipsa est ultima quies.
K Et finis est causa causarum eo, quia est ultimus et quies.


37
P E t causa, cur vulgo dicantur aliis hominibus peiores, ideo est, quia
sciunt et possunt amplius quam vulgares. . . U n d e dicunt vulgares: si vera
essent, quae nobis dicunt, illa facerent.
K Causa quare clerici vocantur per vulgares peiores homines est, quia
sciunt et possunt plus quam vulgares; et ideo dicunt: si vera essent, quae
dicunt, facerent, etc.


Aquestes mostres ens diuen que de vegades el text del Cusa es pre-
senta en forma mes abreujada: dificilment sabrem si resumia ell o amplifi-
cava generosament el seu col-lega parisenc. Com a curiositat referirem en-
cara la supressio de tecnicismes "artfstico"-escolastics: 27 P per alterum; K
per accidens. 35 P patiendo; K passionando. 36 P afformatum; K albifica-
tum. Cal afegir, finalment, que a partir del capitol III de 1'opuscle, els
extractes de Nicolau de Cusa es fan mes breus , de manera que recullen
nomes els arguments fonamentals de Ramon i no 1'estructura dialectica del
seu debat amb Pere . Sembla t ambe , d'altra banda, que al Cusa no li inte-
ressa de reflectir 1'aspecte d'ars ad cognoscendum hominem discretum et
hominem phantasticum que te 1'obra i que constitueix el seu caire mes lite-
rari. I es que els homes del primer Renaixement no podien apreciar
aquest aspecte de 1'obra del beat ; nomes s'ha de llegir que en diuen.


J aume Lefevre justifica la seva tria lul-liana en una carta que adre?a
al lector des del verso de la por tada del llibre. Dues coses son importants
a la vida, universalium scilicet cognitio i operandi modus. Sobretot es im-
portant la manera de posar en relacio la primera amb el segon; tots dos
sbn imprescindibles ad sancte et beate vivendum, pero el modus operandi,
la practica, precellere videtur. Ningii no s'ha de sorprendre , doncs, que ara
Lefevre publiqui obres de Llull, d 'aquest pius eremita. Els seus llibres son




10 LOLA BADIA


tan bons per a engendrar la devocio que gairebe s'han de llegir in orantis
modum. Segueix Lefevre:


Neque vos quicquam deterreat quod vir ille idiota fuerit et illittera-
tus, horride rupis et vaste solitudinis assiduus accola. Nam et credi-
tur quadam superna infusione dignatus; quia sapientes huius seculi
longe precelleret . . . Neque item sermonis eius simplicitas vos avertat ,
qui enim nimium delicatas aures habent , presertim in iis que perti-
nen ad vite instituta, t imeant ne sint de numero eorum de quibus
beatissimus Paulus vaticinatus ait: erit enim tempus quo sanam doc-
trinam non sustinebit. . . Quod minus humile, depressum, deiectum-
que propter stillum visum est, aliquantulum erexi nichil de sententia
mutans , quod Remundus passim in libris suis benignissime fieri pos-
tulavit. Ingenue enim fateor R e m u n d o ferme verga defuisse quibus
suos pulchros — posteri tate mandaret conceptus. Qui tamen valet
introrsus aspicere; nichil enim videt barbarum et quod sententiam
non contineat scitu dignissimam...


Si Lefevre hagues vist per un forat mestre Ramon disputant a Paris
amb tots els averroistes del mon i insistint incansablement per ser ates per
part del rei Felip! Tampoc no li hauria costat gaire de comprendre , en un
altre ordre de coses, fins a quin punt Llull se sentia partidari d 'un saber
ben fundat i adquirit davant la simplicitas inoperant d 'un ermita idiota et
illitteratus; nomes calia que llegis el prdleg del Llibre de Sancta Maria,
compres en el volum que ens estava presentant . Pero el que Llull volia
ser, ara no interessa; per a Lefevre era nomes un pobre home , gairebe
incapac, d 'expressar-se, pero dotat d 'un favor especial de la Gracia que el
transformava en un model de devocid per als cristians, en un model de
"follia de D e u " et icament operativa. Ja era aixo, en part , el que pretenia
Llull. Nomes en part ; pero els seus lectors renaixentistes, almenys un sec-
tor , el mes passat per l 'humanisme, no podien arribar gaire mes enlla. Si
ell mateix havia dit que no sabia gramatica! Ja Hillgarth assenyala 1'estreta
relacio que hi ha entre aquesta carta de Lefevre i la vida de Llull escrita
pel seu deixeble Carles de Bouvelles. A 1'edicio d 'aquesta vida dintre les
Acta Sanctorum, pero , Joan Baptista Sollier sent la necessitat d'aclarir en
nota, que d 'ermita Llull nomes en va ser els primers anys de la seva vi-
d a 1 0 . D e fet no ens es llegut de criticar el prejudici humanist ic de Lefevre


"' Charles de Bouvelles, Commeiuariii in primordiale evangelium S. Joannis-Epislola in Vitam Ray-
mundi Lulli (Paris: Josse Bade, 1511), citat a RD amb el n" 45. Jean Baptiste Sollier, Acta B. Raymun-
di Lulli (Anvers, 1708), citat a RD amb el n" 291. Vegeu Hillgarth, ob. cit., 285 i ss.; pel que fa a la
visio "ermitana" de Llull, d'aquest autor, "Some notes on Lullian Hermits in Majorca saec. XIII-XVII",




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 11


i companyia; els devem la conservacio del Fantdstic i potser tambe alguna
part de 1'agilitat i de la frescor que el caracter i tzen. 1 1


Segon


Sabem moltes coses dels darrers anys de la vida de Llull; el seguim
practicament mes a mes. Concretament pel que fa a la datacio del Fantds-
tic, podem estar segurs que pertany a 1'octubre de 1311, contemporania-
ment al poema catala Lo Concilin. Llull va ser present en aquest Concili
ecumenic de Vienne (16 d'oct. de 1311-6 de maig de 1312) i el setembre
del mateix any encara era a Par is , escrivint el Liber de ente (ROL VI I I ,
197-245) i dictant la Vita coetanea (ROL VI I I , 259-709). D'al t ra banda ell
mateix ens conta que el nostre opuscle es escrit durant el viatge de Paris a
Vienne. A banda d'aixo, tenim molt ben publicades totes les obres escrites
per Llull immediatament abans de la nostra i cal que aprofitem una avi-
nentesa tan afalagadora. Segons el documenta t estudi de Helmut Riedlin-
ger a la Introduccio del volum V de les ROL, videtur iam per aliquod
tempus Parisiis afuisse Raimundus, cum ibidem mense Novembri 1309 Ar-
tem mysticam theologiae complevit13. Resulta , doncs, que el beat degue
viure a la capital de Franga uns dos anys rodons entre la tardor de 1309 i
la de 1311. Llull era un vellard de 77 anys, d 'admirable vitalitat i sorpre-
nent coratge. Riedlinger subratlla aquest extrem quant parla de la bullicia
universitaria parisenca enmig de la qual devia viure Ramon . Vegeu a la
Histdria de la Literatura Catalana de Mart i de R i q u e r 1 4 la localitzacio to-
pografica i fotografica de 1'indret de la rue de la Bucherie on residi el beat
segons un document conservat al cartulari de la Universitat de Paris .
Doncs alli mateix, o tal vegada alternant aquella casa amb el nemus de
Vicennis o la cartoixa de Vauver t , el nostre autor va escriure vint-i-vuit
obres que han arribat fins a nosaltres, mes sis altres de perdudes . El total
omple quatre toms de la ROL amb una mitjana de quatre-centes pagines:


Studia Monastica VI (1964), 299-328. Bouvelles escriu a proposit de Llull: Libros aulem Raemundi magis
sententiae altitudo, quam stili claritas commendant, lloc cit. Sollier s'ho mira amb uns altres ulls; no en
va el lullisme al s. XVIII comen?a a ser un afer mes erudit que estrictament militant.


" En el sentit que el rifacimento estilistic pot ser responsable, per exemple, d'una part de la colora-
cio irbnica del dialeg entre Pere i Ramon. No crec que puguem atribuir la ironia a Llull; ja feia prou
objectivant-se en el superfantastic Ramon. D'altra banda la naturalesa d'aquests famosos retocs no pot
variar gaire de la dels operats sobre el text del Liber Natalis, curosament reportats a 1'apartat de ROL
VII, 19-73. Vegeu nota 35.


1 2 Ramon Llull, Poesies, a cura de Josep Romeu i Figueras (Barcelona, 1958), 157-192 i 36-37.
Vegeu tambe Rims de Ramon Llull, ed. de Salvador Galmes, vol. II = ORL XX (Mallorca, 1938), 255-
290.


13 ROL V, 158; veg. nota.
1 4 (Barcelona, 1964) vol. I, 230-231.




12 LOLA BADIA


els nums. V-VI-VII i VII I . Llegir aquests quatre volums posant atencid a
les formes discursives i expositives emprades per Llull ens forneix encara
una nova prova de la ingent capacitat del beat per a introduir infinites
variacions al seu missatge, basicament inalterable.


De fet, les obres de Paris 1309-1311 constitueixen un corpus coherent ;
es tracta sobretot d'aconseguir dues coses. Q u e els "moderni philosophan-
tes" de la Universitat , dits tambe averroistes, o aristotelics ultrats, obrin
els ulls davant la inanitat de Ilurs disquisicions, que parteixen de la base
de la diferenciacio metodologica entre teologia i filosofia. En segon lloc es
tracta d'aconseguir que el rei Felip IV el Bell llegeixi algun tractat del
beat , que li permeti d 'adoptar els seus metodes infal-libles per a la seva
lluita a favor de 1'ortodoxia i, si es possible, per als seus futurs projectes
de croada. Llull veu en aquest rei 1'hereu de sant L lu i s 1 5 .


LIull escriu, doncs, per als seus contrincants dialectics o per al rei; les
seves obres traeixen aquesta destinacio. Tambe n'hi ha algunes, pe ro , que
presenten un cert grau d'objectivacio literaria en el sentit que Ramon apa-
reix en escena, sovint b reument , pero amb suficient empenta com perque
se'ns ocorri de comparar aquestes aparicions amb la que re t robarem al
nostre Fantdstic. Aixi per exemple , a la Disputatio Raymundi et Averrois-
tae (ROL VI I , 1-17) llegim: Parisius fuit magna contrarietas inter Raimun-
dum et Averroistam. Qui philosophice disputabant, et maxime super quin-
que quaestionibus. Despres segueix un tractat tecnic; pero al Liber Natalis
prou que sabem que torna a predominar 1'aspecte o rnamenta l ; hi t robem
processons de dames al-legoriques, cants nadalencs, una adoracio de Fln-
fant i una lamentatio Raimundi. El beat hi parla en pr imera persona de la
seva solitud i de la seva impotencia, quasi ab omnibus vilipesus. Recorda
la llarga durada de la seva dedicacio a 1'empresa, els seus viatges a terres
d'infidels, la por que la seva Ars nobilis, nulli thesauro comparabilis, om-
nino perdatur (ROL VII ,72) . Al Liber lamentationis Philosophiae (ROL
VII , 125) afegeix a aquest quadre que diu laboravi... et omnia bona mea
terrena propter hoc dimisi.


Totes aquestes obres son escrites una darrera 1'altra a partir del de-
sembre de 1310. Al Liber lamentationis Philosophiae, d 'altra banda, Llull
s 'abandona a 1'al-legorisme. Pero ho fa d 'una manera tota seva; no en te
prou amb un marc narratiu que embolcalli el tractat; to thom s'hi t roba
personificat. Parla, per exemple, la Forma: Ego sum tota in materia ac-
tiuando, et materia tota in me passionando. Es sorprenent 1'efecte que fa,
entre d 'al tres, el par lament de la Corrupcio, la qual no fa mes que expli-


1 5 Per a una analisi de 1'ambient universitari parisenc que conegue Llull, vegeu.la Introduccib de
Riedlinger al tom V de les ROL, ja esmentat. Remetem, pero, a la nota 2 del llibre de Hillgarth citat
pel que fa a la "captaci6" de Llull per la politica gallicana de Felip el Bell.




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 13


car en pr imera persona els principis cosmologics i metaffsics del canvi
substancial. Filosofia, naturalment , t ambe parla i al final confessa molt
lul-lianament quod sum ancilla eius (i.e. theologiae) ut per ea, quae conci-
pio per animam intelligam entia realia.


Enmig de les al-legories i les personificacions, pe ro , Llull no oblida,
com hem vist, les seves preocupacions doctrinals. D e vegades es terrible-
ment contundent ; ja diu Riedlinger que Llull disputa vivaciter. Al Liber
lamentationis Philosophiae, sense anar mes lluny, considera una ofensa
personal que els averroistes no identifiquin com fa ell intelligere et credere;
per aixo vindictam autem super hoc peto quantum possum (ROL VI I , 87).
J. Romeu i Figueras t ambe troba que Llull "amena$a i commina" a Lo
Concili^; aixi al v. 77 s'acara al Papa i li diu que si no es dona pressa,
serets jutjat.


Tenim, a mes , altres entrades narratives en les obres parisenques de
1309-1311. Al Liber Contradictionis (ROL VI I , 138) t robem que accidit,
quod Raimundista et Averroista diu disputaverunt Parisius; un bon dia,
cansats de disputar, se'n van a passejar per un bosquet de les afores de
Paris , com en altre temps els tres savis del GentiP1. El que passa ara es
que la domina pulcherrima que t roben es ni mes ni menys que Contradic-
cio. Llull ha arribat a projectar en el mon de 1'al-legoria la fatal irrecon-
ciabilitat entre la seva Ar t i la facultat de teologia de P a r i s 1 8 .


El proleg del Genti l encara recorda mes 1'entrada narrativa del Liber
de quaestione valde alta et profunda (ROL VI I I , 139-174). Resulta que no
Iluny de Parfs es t roben un fidel i un infidel; cada un dels dos vol t robar
la manera d'invalidar racionalment els convenciments de 1'altre. Es posen
a discutir entre ells la quaestio valde alta et profunda, que es si el fidel pot
resoldre les objeccions de 1'infidel i viceversa. La manera com es posen
d 'acord per a discutir es identica a la que fan servir el clergue Pere i Ra-
mon al Fantastic. La Quaestio valde alta es de 1'agost de 1311.


Per acabar amb les entrades narratives de les obres de Paris 1309-
1311, cal nomes citar la del Liber de efficiente et effectu (ROL VI I , 263-
291); R a m o n i 1'Averroista es barallen perque l'un reconeix en D e u la
causa eficient de 1'univers, mentre que 1'altre diu que no , que els essers
tendeixen a D e u com a fi, pero que Deu no es eficient. Com que no s'en-
tenen , faran un llibre on cada un posara fortiores rationes, quas habere
posset]9.


1 6 Vegeu la nota 12.
17 OE I, 1047-1142. Un assaig d'interpretacio a L. Badia, "Poesia i Art al Libre dcl Gentil de Ra-


mon Llull", Reduccions 25 (gener 1984) 87-96.
Veg. ROL V, 148-151 i passim. Recordem que Llull mai no va aconseguir de ser ates a la Facul-


tat de Teologia parisenca; tan sols els mestres de la Facultat d'Arts se'l van escoltar.
1 9 Als Sermones contra errores Averrois, adre?ats al rei Felip (ROL VII, 237-262), Llull enumera 10


proposicions errades dels averroistes. Per6 a 1'opuscle De erroribus Averrois et Aristotelis, incl6s al ROL
VIII, 247-257, hom en pot Hegir quaranta-dues de catalogades.




14 LOLA BADIA


Tercer


H e m vist com els opuscles parisencs de 1309-1311 son plens de sugge-
riments literaris: els que re t robem al Fantdstic. Caldria nomes recordar
aquella impressionant mostra d'objectivacio de la propia imatge que ens
brinda Llull al te rme del Liber Natalis (ROL VI I , 73): Haec est visio,
quam ego Raimundus, barba floridus, vidi Parisius, non est diu. En aquest
context, 1'obreta que publ iquem avui se'ns presenta realment com un di-
vertimento. Llull aprofita tots els suggeriments narratius de les obres dels
dos anys anteriors i en fa un tractadet nou. En aquest tractadet es t roba
davant un contrincant tan inamovible com 1'Averroista dels seus malsons.
El clergue Pere , en efecte, es un ant i -Ramon, com 1'averroisme es 1'antfte-
si del raimundisme. Hi ha, doncs, una notable diferencia entre Pere i l'er-
mita de Lo Desconhort, el qual al final compren les raons de R a m o n 2 0 . La
virulencia dels debats parisencs tambe perviu al Fantdstic, com t indrem
ocasib de comprovar , quan veurem que Ramon envia a 1'infern sense con-
templacions el seu company de viatge (62).


Els paragrafs 1-13 del Fantdstic, els que en constitueixen el capitol
primer, cal veure' ls com un de tants prolegs dialogats lul-lians, que servei-
xen d 'entrada a un tractat i ofereixen alhora unes "regles del j oc" , les
quals solen ser una mini-Art adaptada a les circumstancies. Es el cas ja
esmentat del Libre del Gentil e dels tres savis, del Libre de sancta Maria i
de tants d 'al tres.


De tota manera el tema del nostre opuscle es singular; no es cap trac-
tat doctrinal com els de Paris , ni de cap obra apologetica o devocional
com les que hem recordat fa un moment . El tema de 1'opuscle es un estu-
di dels fonaments etics del compor tament de R a m o n Llull, t ransformat en
debat entre dos contrincants que adopten posicions contradictories i irre-
conciables. Tal com feia amb els averroistes, Llull ara fingeix disputar
amigablement; en realitat el que fa es presentar solucions oposades dels
problemes i donar-nos a en tendre per "raons necessar ies" 2 1 que nomes
una opcio es valida: la seva.


2 0 Es pot llegir al volum a cura de Romeu citat a la nota 12 o al primer tom dels Rims de Ramon
Llull = ORL XIX (Mallorca, 1936).


2 1 Al Liber facilis scientiae (ROL VII, 293-341), Llull proposa: Manifestum est, quod unum opposi-
torum cognoscitur per reliquum. Et ideo intendimus facere istum Librum siue Artem de suppositionibus
contradicloriis, ut cognoscatur, quae propositio sit vera, et quae falsa. Et hoc intendimus exemplificare ad
declarandam catholicam sanctam fidem contra aliquos philosophantes, dicentes, quod secundum modum
intelligendi fides catholica est impossibilis. Diria que el metode de presentar dues proposicions contradic-
tories per tal de mostrar que nomes una es vertadera, queda prou expressat en aquesta proposta meto-
dologica, que deu caldre considerar facilis.




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 15


Per aixo Pere i R a m o n , despres d'identificar-se, comencen exposant a
tall d 'exemple llurs respectives vides i expectatives de futur. Heus acf el
modus operandi, que deia Lefebre; despres vindra la cognitio universa-
lium. Per arribar-hi, Ramon estableix una de les seves mini-Arts; prendra
en consideracio cinc termes, tants com capftols ha de tenir 1'opuscle. En-
torn d 'aquests cinc termes caldra, doncs, articular la demostracio de la va-
lidesa universal dels fonaments del compor tament de cada u. Que quedi
clar des d 'ara , pe ro , que Llull juga a tot o res: ell i Pere s'exclouen i, com
que al final no hi ha avinenca (81), si li donem la rao a Ramon , enviem
Faltre a la damnacio. Aquest es el joc del Fantdstic.


Els termes del debat son heterogenis , i aixo influira en la natura lite-
raria dels capitolets de la nostra obra: la fantasia, les quatre causes de
1'esser, 1'honor, la delectacio, 1'ordre. L 'heterogenei ta t de tals conceptes,
d'altra banda , queda perfectament reflectida en les definicions que imman-
cablement Ramon ens proporciona.


Comencem per la fantasiar La fantasia, en el debat del primer capitol ,
es la follia lul-liana; Llull es fantastic i superfantastic, perque , vist des de
1'optica de 1'eficacia mesurada en termes "mundans" , el seu projecte vital
es un desastre absolut. Pere es fa un fart de riure i li diu que es un xim-
ple. Ramon adopta una actitud heroica i tragica i passa al contraatac ideo-
logic: en un ordre no-munda, la follia es seny i el seny, follia. Vegeu l'e-
pistola de sant Pau als Corintis I, 18-31. Des d 'aquesta perspectiva la posi-
cio de Llull es inatacable. Com^defineix, pe ro , la fantasia?


Segons les dues especies que enclou el genere. Hi ha una fantasia na-
tural , que ens remet al proces gnoseologic, i una de moral , que pot ser
discreta o indiscreta, que ens remet al mon de 1'etica.


El paper de la fantasia en el proces gnoseologic es pot resseguir en
les obres de Paris 1309-1311. 2 2 Cada vegada que es defineix la imaginativa,
en efecte, un dels nou subjectes, apareix directament o indirectament la
fantas ia . 2 3 Copiem nomes una citacio, la mes diafana (ROL VII I , 85):


42. Quaer i tur : Quid est imaginatiua? Respondendum est, quod est
potent ia , quae causat fantasias abstractas a sensu, ut obiectum sensi-
bile sit imaginatum in absentia sensus.


Quidquid abstrahit species a sensu sine intellectu, est potent ia ,
quae causat fantasias abstractas a sensu. Imaginativa est huiusmodi;


2 2 Alguns dels llocs d'aquestes obres on apareix la fantasia: ROL V, 308; ROL VI, 419; ROL VIII,
98.


2 3 Succeeix, en efecte, que moltes vegades quan Llull exposa que es la imaginativa, com que ho fa
dintrc d'un context apologetico-demostratiu. no n'especifica tots els detalls del funcionament i no parla
de la fantasia. Per exemple: ROL VI, 190 i a tot el ROL VII (vegeu-ne els indexs).




16 LOLA BADIA


ergo imaginativa est potentia; quae quidem potentia causat fantasias
abstractas a sensu.


En 1'esquema binari del coneixement lul-lia (coneixement segons els
sentits i la imaginacio i coneixement segons 1'intel-lecte), la fantasia te un
lloc ben definit: no es una potencia, sino el thesaurus formarum per sen-
sum acceptarum (Summa Theologiae, I , q.78, a.4).


No t robem en totes les obres del beat aquesta mateixa nitidesa, pero
no ens sembla aquest el lloc d'iniciar un assaig sobre la fantasia en la gno-
seologia lul- l iana. 2 4 En canvi si que cal recordar que la imaginativa te el
poder de manipular les formes fantastiques procedents dels sentits. Aixf
llegim al Liber de lamentatione Philosophiae (ROL VI I , 113) que la sensi-
tiva non potest multiplicare chimaeras. La imaginativa si que ho pot fer:


2 4 No ens ajuda gaire en aquest punt la veu 'fantasia' del Glossari General Lul-lia de Miquel Co-
lom, vol. II (Mallorca, 1983), 424-425. Proposariem per a emprendre la recerca, de comencar amb la
Doclrina Pueril (ed. G. Schib, Barcelona, 1971): "e natural cosa es que la anima ab la ymaginativa
prenga tot so que prenen los seyns corporals e que-u do a 1'huma enteniment en la fanlasia, qui es entre
lo front e l cos, e que 1'enteniment se leu a ensus sobre la fantasia, entendre co qui li es offert de la
noblea e de la granea de Deu", 159. Al mateix llibre: "La phanlasia es cambra qui es en lo paladar
sobre lo front; e en lo front la ymaginativa ajusta co que pren de les coses corporals, e entra-sse'n en la
phantasia aco que pren, e illumina aquella cambra per 5 0 que ymaginativa ly offer. On, com per algu
accident a?6 se desordona, adonchs esdeve lo home fantastic, o a gros enteniment, o es orat", 204.


Segons aquests textos, la fantasia es una facultat situada fisicament dintre el cap, a mig cami entre
el coneixement segons els "sentits i Ia imaginacio" i el coneixement intellectual. La DP, pero, es una
obra escrita pel beat entre 1275 i 1283, a 1'epoca de la fase quaternaria i a mes es plena de referencies
"enciclopediques" de caracter didactic, no necessariament imbricades en el seu pensament. Aixi, doncs,
a YArbre de filosofia desiderat ( ORL XVII, 401-506) Llull cxplica la diferencia entre "ens reyal" i "ens
fantastic", sense fer cap referencia a una fantasia fisicament localizable (418-419, 442 i 473). UArbre de
filosofia desiderat es, segons Bonner, de 1294.


Un passatge dcl Liber de ascensu el descensu inlellectus (ROL IX, 59) ens especifica novament quin
es el mecanisme de 1'error de 1'intel-lecte: Dum intelleclus considerat illa, quae dicta sunt in duobus
paragraphis precedentibus, cognoscit, quod phanlasia quandoque ipsum deuiat a linea recta, eo quia subi-
cilur phanlasiae, quia credil ea, quae imaginatio eidem fallaciter repraesentat. Et tunc cognoscit, quod esl
obliquus per phanlasiam, et deceplus. Et ratione istius deceplionis quandoque credit, quod est falsum esse
verum, et eliam a contrario. Et tunc cognoscit causam, quare est creditiuus et dubitatiuus et positus in
contingentia. Et tunc insinuat affatui, ut dicat, quod per talem modum ignorantia est sua inimica.


El Liber de ascensu es de 1305, de 1'epoca de la formulacio definitiva del pensament lullia. Aixi
aquest plantejament, en el qual la imaginativa es la "culpable" dels errors de 1'intellecte, es perfecta-
ment homologable amb un passatge complex de VArs Generalis Ultima, el cap. 14 de la part 10 De
aplicalione, article 31: De Phantasmate. Els fantasmes son imprescindibles per al coneixement i son les
especies deduides per la potencia del subjecte en acte i rebudes en la imaginacio, de la qual 1'enteni-
ment les recull per tal de coneixer. De la imaginacio, els fantasmes passen a la mem6ria: Llull tambe
especifica com en els animals els fantasmes no passen mes enlla de la imaginativa, nam si Iransirent, iam
bruta haberent scientiam. Cito per 1'edicio de Palma de Mallorca (1645), 348. Per a l'exposici6 que trobo
mes clara de la gnoseologia lu-liana, vegeu el llibre del pare Colomer (Barcelona, 1975), citat a la nota
9, 56-73.




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 17


compono ad placitum chimaeram; et facio ipsam, compositam de
pluribus similitudinibus particularium, differentibus in specie, ut pu-
ta chimaeram, habentem caput hominis, corpus leonis, pedes bovis,
caudam piscis, et huiusmodi.


D 'aques ta manera Llull dona entrada a 1'accepcio normal a PEdat
Mitjana de la fantasia com a 'phantasma', 'spectrum', 'vana visio', 'imago',
'vanitas'25. El verb phantasiari vol dir, doncs, fer funcionar la imaginacio
en el terreny de les chimaerae26. Tota aquesta reflexio semantica ve a
tomb pel fet que el beat usa els termes fantasia i fantasiejar amb una poli-
semia constant al llarg de tot el nostre tractat . Passem del sentit gnoseo-
logic pur , al de les chimerae, al de les actituds etiques de que parlavem
mes amunt . Sovint el verb fantasiejar es usat per a dir "coneixer equivoca-
damen t" (18).


Pere ataca: no pares de treballar per a no obtenir res. Aixo es un
compor tament de boig, com qui diu amassar 1'aire, cagar la Uebre amb el
bou, nedar contra suberna o fer allo altre de "50 que jo vull james no
haura fi". Mes val que R a m o n imiti els metodes de Pere , que s'ha enriquit
tot sol (15). La resposta de R a m o n es fulminant: els pat rons de Pere son
mundans , els seus, espirituals. Ja hem dit que en aquest terreny Pere no
te res a fer. Per aixo por ta la discussio cap a la teologia. Ramon es un
beneit perque parla de les diverses Dignitats divines. A pregunta teologi-
ca, resposta teologica (17-18). Ara el Fantastic sembla una obreta escrita
tres o quatre mesos abans. Pere insisteix per aquesta linia, posa en dubte
que l 'Art pugui tenir principis generals englobadors de totes les altres
ciencies (19-20), considera absurd 1'enfrontament de Ramon amb la Uni-
versitat de Paris (21-22), es fa creus que Ramon pretengui que la fe es
provable (23-24-25-26). Ramon aprofita les respostes per a exposar nova-
ment alguns punts basics de la seva A r t 2 7 . Alguna vegada la resposta de
Ramon es crfptica, com quan a 17 li pregunten per les Dignitats i contesta
a 18 amb els Correlat ius; algii una mica informat en materia "artistica"


2 5 Du Cange, Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis IV (Niort, 1886), s.v. phantasia.
2 6 Sempre he tingut la sensacio que aquest es el sentit del verb al poema XVIII d'Ausias March,


alla on diu Ffantasiant amor a mi descobre. EIs secrets de la puresa amorosa se li revelen en un horitzo
irreal; son un ens fantastic, que no existeix per se, sino en la imaginativa del poeta. Els ens reals son tot
una altra cosa, com be sabem. Se no e vero e ben trovato.


2 7 De fet, com es prou sabut, despres de la formulacio definitiva de YArts Generalis Ultima i VArs
Brevis (1305-1308), Llull ja no torna a exposar sistematicament el seu pensament; tota la resta s6n apli-
cacions puntuals que, pero, remeten a aquella font. Com a curiositat vegeu ara aquest passatge parallel
entre 1'AGU i el paragraf 20 del nostre text, reportat a la p. 3 segons la copia de K: Ratio huius est,
quia ista scientia habet principia generalissima et etiam regulas generalissimas; aliae vero scientiae habent
principia subalternata. AGU V, 44; ed. Palma de Mallorca (1645), 99.




18 LOLA BADIA


sap, pero , que la segona doctrina dona suport a la pr imera . El que queda
clar es que Llull parla des de dintre l 'Art , ben encastellat davant la fanta-
sia indiscreta que ha pervertit la conducta moral de Pere , 1'ardiaca felig-
ment simoniac. Pel que fa a la discussio sobre la demostrabili tat de la fe i
el problema del merit , Llull logicament es repe te ix 2 8 .


Les quatre causes de 1'esser son les aristoteliques. Aquf, pe ro , Llull
no en parla com a objecte del seu discurs, no fa metafisica, sino tot al
contrari . Les quatre causes son un pur pretext perque Pere i ell s 'abraonin
l'un sobre 1'altre en termes dialectics. Aixi Pere comenga dient que la
ciencia de Ramon (no apresa, sino revelada) es una bestiesa (fantasia)
perque el coneixement es produeix fent abstraccio de les dades dels sentits
i anant a la Universitat . Ramon ja no pot mes; aquesta observacio de Pe-
re , tan aristotelica, tan assequible per a un home del segle X X , fa que el
beat perdi les bones formes. Ell nomes pensa en la causa final: aixo es el
que el mou. A mes no li pensa dir d 'on ha tret el seu saber (29).


La guerra tot just ha comencat . Ara toquem el tema de la pobresa.
Segons Ramon el rebuig de la riquesa estimula la virtut (31), cosa que
Pere nega amb arguments metafisics (32). El problema dels arguments in-
vocats per Pere es que , segons R a m o n , acaben per negar poder a la causa
eficient; fer aixo es un dels principals pecats dels averroistes, del qual es
dedueix, entre altres coses, que D e u no ha pogut crear el m o n 2 9 . Ramon
apostrofa Pere amb acritud.


Pere torna a canviar de tema. Ara ataca la teoria lu l l i ana de la forma
general, analoga a la materia prima (34). Es una qiiestio que Llull es plan-
teja i resol al Liber de perversione entis removenda (ROL V. 474) 3 0 . Al
paragraf 35 Llull argumenta per absurdum.


Pere no entra en rao , al contrari . Ara s'empesca una metafora tota
lu l l iana que compara la blancor i la cosa blanca amb la fantasia (follia) i
l 'home foll ( R a m o n ) ; aquesta fantasia de Ramon passa pel poc respecte
que mostra a la seva dignitat sacerdotal . Als paragrafs 37 i 39 Ramon se
les empren amb la jerarquia eclesiastica amb un rigor i una duresa dignes
de la millor satira anticlerical de tots els temps. L'autori tat invocada per
Ramon es ni mes ni menys que el poble . Els clergues son pestifers: unde
dicunt vulgares, si vera essent, quae nobis dicunt, illa facerent. Segurament


2 8 Es ben sabut que el problema de les relacions entre fe i ra6 es un dels punts vitals del sistema
lullia. Al llibre del pare Cotomer citat a la nota 20 s'explica com, de fet, tota la gnoseologia lul-liana es
al servei de mostrar com creure i entendre inter se convertuntur. Heus aci alguns passatges de les obres
de Paris 1309-1311 sobre el tema: ROL V, 287; ROL VI, 328; ROL VI, 342; ROL VII, 11.


2 9 Per als "errors" dels averroistes, vegeu la nota 19. El procediment que fa servir aqui Llull recor-
da el del Liber de fallaciis (ROL VI, 467-488).


3 0 Veg. tambe ROL VIII, 24 i passim.




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 19


els lul-listes valencians i catalans del segle XIV que es barallaven amb l'in-
quisidor Eimeric haurien aprovat aquesta frase i tot el context on es inse-
rida, perque Ramon acaba dient que el dia que Pere sigui cardenal , sera
digne de rebre sobre el seu cap les deu plagues que Deu t ramete al Farab .


Al capitol IV reposem. N o hi ha baralles. Definit 1'honor, Pere i Ra-
mon formulen 44 proverbis, sentencies o definicions sobre el concepte en
qiiestio. Ara el joc consisteix a comparar 1'actuacio de cada contrincant
amb cada un dels proverbis , a traves de sil-logismes, a veure qui es mes
conforme a la veritat 1 , per tant , menys fantastic. Ara es quan Llull parla
d 'una Ars ad cognoscendum hominem discretum et hominem phantasticum.
Pero curiosament no ens en descriu 1'aplicacio. Els lectors ja veiem, pero ,
que Pere no pot resistir la comparacio sil-logistica amb cap de les proposi-
cions (exemple pres a 1'atzar: Fatuus est, qui honorat Deum, ut seipsum
possit honorare). La llista de proverbis sobre un tema es un recurs literari
recurrent en Llull; basta veure les seves col-leccions de proverbis i com
apareix tambe sovint el recurs de 1'enumeracio d'items breus a les obres de
Paris 1309-1311 3 1 .


Passat aquest oasi de pau (situat al centre geometric de 1'obra i amb
pretensions de model artistic), continua 1'agrejada batalla. Ara tenim la
definicio de delectacio. Llull parla cYhabitus i la Summa de sant Tomas de
motus animae (I , II , q.31); per la resta som en el mateix context. Els ca-
mins de la delectacib segons Llull son els dels sis sentits i quatre mes:
imaginacio, intel-lecte, voluntat i memoria . Pere i Ramon discutiran ara
punt per punt cada un d 'aquests camins de la delectacio. L 'ensenyament
lul-lia general es que la delectacio es bona segons el fi.


Naturalment Pere parla sempre subjectivament i no veu mes enlla del
seu cas personal i concretfssim. Llull aprofita 1'ocasio per a reblar el clau
de la perversio d'intencions que detecta en el clergue i empren el cami de
la denuncia. Assevera, en efecte (60) que no dubtara a acusar Pere a la
ciiria si no s 'esmena. I, com que no veu que tingui intencio de fer-ho,
acaba dient-li que totes les seves riqueses, amb la memoria de les quals es
delecta, seran motiu perque sigui e ternament torturat a 1'infern.


Ara ja es perfilen definitivament les accepcions de fantasia: per a Pe-
re , la fantasia de Ramon es la seva ineptitud per a triomfar a la vida. Per
a R a m o n , la fantasia de Pere es creure que el seu triomf munda 1'eximeix
de preocupar-se del be comii. La discussio se situa en uns termes cars a
Llull, 1'oposicio entre privada i publica ut i l i ta t 3 2 . Pe re , 1'ardiaca simoniac,


3 1 Per a la literatura paremiologica del beat, vegeu la Introduccio de S. Garcias Palou a Proverbis
de Ramon (Madrid, 1978). A les obres de Paris 1309-1311, trobem diverses series de 100 items per a
resoldre problemes: ROL VI, 217; ROL VI, 354; ROL VI, 367 i ROL VI, 431.


3 2 El problema es gairebe omnipresent en Llull. Una esplendida exposicio literaria la podem llegir
al proleg del Libre de Sancta Maria, publicat per Lefevre juntament amb el nostre opuscle, veg. nota 1,
actualment a OE 1, 1143-1242.




20 LOLA BADIA


raona com un averroista: ^Hi haura alguna relacio entre 1'obcecacio aristo-
telica d 'aquesta secta nefasta i la incapacitat moral de sortir de la privada
utilitat per a passar a la publica? Hi ha moments en que la condemna de
Ramon reuneix en un mateix feix totes les tares dels seus contrincants.


Aquesta es precisament la principal de les qiiestions que es debaten al
darrer capitol del Fantdstic, el que tracta de 1'ordre. Aqu i Llull usa indis-
t intament i barrejada tots els sentits i totes les connotacions de la paraula
ordo, que inclouen el que en catala son les significacions dels mots 'o rdre '
i 'o rde ' . En 1'ambit conceptual , deiem que en aquest darrer apartat es on
Ramon exposa amb mes claredat 1'abast del seu neoplatonisme. Es tracta
de mostrar que tot el que ha dit Ramon fins ara s'inscriu en una ordena-
cio jerarquitzada de les coses, segons la qual 1'esperit ha de dominar la
materia (63-64).


El clergue comet la lleugeresa de dir que ell se sent felicjnent integrat
en aquest ordre universal a traves de la seva condicio d"ordena t ' . Ja hi
tornem a ser; cal tornar a explicar la qiiestio de la pobresa i de la perver-
sio de la jerarquia eclesiastica. Finalment Pere treu un tema politic: el de
la donacio de Constant i i del poder temporal de 1'Esglesia (71).


Ara a Llull ja nomes 1'interessa una cosa: el projecte de croada, la
finalitat politica per excel-lencia de tota la vida cristiana. R a m o n demostra
per raons necessaries, com es prou sabut , que cal convertir tots els infidels
(cosa de la qual sant Tomas dubta ; vegeu II , I I , q.10, a.8). Pere natural-
ment argumenta amb els mateixos pros i contres de 1'ermita de Lo Des-
conhort; si Deu volgues que no hi hagues infidels, no n'hi hauria , les croa-
des han fracassat, els predicadors , t ambe . Pere afegeix que el Papa ja te
prou feina a ordenar els cristians, (73) i admira la maquina administrativa
de 1'Esglesia (79). A part d'explicitar el que ja ens ha contat al prdleg a
proposit de les seves intencions en relacio amb la c r o a d a 3 3 , ara el que fa
Ramon es deixar expansionar el seu furor. El pun t culminant es quan acu-
sa Pere de pecar contra 1'Esperit Sant, amb un pecat que no te remiss io 3 4 .


3 3 Tot aix6 ja ho sabem des del paragraf 3, quan Ramon comenga: Tria intendo. El projecte lullia
s'hi troba expressat en uns termes identics als del Liber Natalis, ROL VII, 68-70, linies 977-1014. Per als
projectes de croada, remetem al llibre de Hillgarth citat a la nota 2 i als textos: De acquisilione te.rrae
Sanctae, Montpeller (1309), ed. Longpre, Ciretion 3 (1927) 265-278, i Petiiio Raymundi in Concilio Ge-
nerali ad adquirendam Terram Sanctam, que es la part VI del Liber de ente, ROL VIII, 179-245.


3 4 Marc, 3, 28; Mat., 12, 31; Lluc, 12, 10. Els tres passatges sinoptics segons la Vulgata no coinci-
deixen amb el text de Llull, en el qual no apareix el terme blasphemia, que sembla clau. No se'ns
escapa que la interpretacio del sentit que LIull d6na al pecat contra el Sant Esperit es una proposta
personal i mes o menys agosarada. Per descomptat no s'adiu a la doctrina que he Uegit al respecte a la
Summa Theologica II, II, q.14. Ja que parlem de l'Escriptura, potser caldra recordar que aquesta refe-
rencia evangelica va acompanyada de 1'habitual remissi6 a Isaies, VII, 9 nisi credideritis non intelligelis
(paragraf 26). El meu collega Marcel Salleras m'ha fet notar que aquesta lectura tampoc no es troba a
la Vulgata, pero que apareix consagrada en la tradicio agustiniana i anselmiana. Potser algun dia hau-




ESTUDI DEL PHANTASTICUS DE RAMON LLULL 21


Pere ha Uit que el Papa no ha de convertir infidels; ja ho fara D e u , si ho
estima necessari; val mes que 'ordeni cristians'. Ramon troba en aixo un
pecat contra 1'Esperit Sant, qui est spiritus universae bonitatis.


En no comprendre que la conversio dels infidels es la maxima mostra
del be public, finalment Pere ha arribat al punt culminant de la seva per-
versio, tal com hem explicat mes amunt . No deixa de ser impressionant la
vehemencia lul-liana; la duresa, la incisivitat i la for§a dels seus argu-
ments . Llegint aquesta ultima part del Fantastic, tenim la mesura de fins a
quin punt R a m o n , com hem dit, jugava a tot o res, de quina era l a i n c o m -
mensurable forga de la seva mistica, recta i discreta fantasia, que sorpre-
nia els seus coetanis i deixa bocabadada la seva posteritat .


U n a ultima observacio. Es evident que Llull construeix Pere com un
"pervers prefabricat", en la mesura en que 1'Averroista es tambe un "con-
trincant prefabricat" a les obres parisenques de 1309-1311. R a m o n , en
canvi, el R a m o n del Fantastic, es l i terariament un producte molt mes so-
fisticat. Ramon es un alter ego de Llull, pensat per a vendre als altres una
imatge propia. Al darrera d 'aquests personatges funcionals, pe ro , sempre
descobrim el que Sansone anomenava un "intimo palpi to". Com si estra-
nyament el beat sabes dotar-los d 'una versemblanga psicologica que afala-
ga el lector modern . En el cas del Fantdstic cal valorar pel damunt de tot
la capacitat d 'aquest ancia de setanta-nou anys de "veure 's des de fora."
Pere , en efecte, ens presenta un R a m o n totalment extravagant i pintoresc,
entossudit en un projecte ab su rd . 3 5 No oblidem que aquesta es la imatge
que tenim indefectiblement els moderns de mestre Ramon Llull (quan no
la tenim pitjor); potser que ens a turem a pensar , doncs, que es el beat en
persona qui ens ha deixat el pr imer retrat de la fantasia que els altres
veien en ell. Quants intel-lectuals dels nostres dies sortirien airosos d 'una
prova com aquesta?


Lola BADIA


Facultat de Lletres
Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona
Bellaterra Barcelona


riem cTinvestigar si Llull citava 1'Escriptura de memoria, i a partir de quins coneixements. Les referen-
cies a 1'epfstola de Sant Pau als Corintis que hi ha en aquest treball no pertanyen a cap citacio literal de
Llull.


3 5 Pere riu, ironitza, diu que Ramon es fanlaslicissimus... Cada vegada que obre la boca sembla que
faci una ganyota. En canvi Ramon adopta una actitud de martir d'una causa noble i perduda i de vega-
des aixeca la veu i amena^a com un profeta biblic o com un predicador mendicant abrivat de furor
apostolic. Tot aixo al Fanlastic, ^es literatura procedent del beat mateix? ^No hi va afegir Jaume Lefe-
vre algunes engrunes d'ironia de la seva collita? Fixeu-vos, per exemple, la gracia que te 1'apart que fa
Pere al paragraf 21: Remunde, intendi te cum magistris artium Parhisiensibus disputasse et cum tua philo-
sophia (si philosophia dici potest) eos concludere intendisses. Veus l'aristotelic que no es pot prendre
seriosament una filosofia com la de Llull, on la logica es barreja amb 1'ontologia, i tot amb tot. Vegeu
1'apartat Primer i la nota 11.






EL 2 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) , 2 3 - 6 8


W . W . A R T U S


R A M O N L L U L L ' S C O N C E P T O F C R E A T I O N


The numerous writings of R a m o n Llull, born in Palma de Majorca
probably in 1232, 1 reveal him as a metaphysical philosopher of stature
who , during the closing three decades of the Thir teenth and the opening
two of the fourteenth century, repeatedly addressed himself to the pro-
blem of the creation of the world, with the firm conviction that well-esta-
blished rational answers could be arrived at on a number of the more ba-
sic points entailed in the truth of such a creation. It must be acknowled-
ged that , although his answers are essentially in solid accord with traditio-
nal Christian teachings on the question -which he of course accepted on
the basis of his Christian fai th-, Llull regularly endeavored to present and
to establish them rationally, in a manner that one cannot but declare phi-
losophical. At least he himself had no doubts that his approach and proce-
dures were along the lines universally recognized as rational and philosophi-
cal, although he consciously utilized the principles and rules of an " A r t "
which he deemed heaven-inspired and which, be it recalled parenthet i-
cally, attracted the attention of a number of important Renaissance thin-
ke r s 2 and provided Leibnitz with an original model , as it were , for his
seventeenth century De Arte Combinatoria. Already in two of his earliest
literary and philosophical composi t ions 3 R a m o n Llull dealt with the theme


1 Helmut Riedlinger, "Introductio Generalis," in ROL V, 124. Llulfs year of birth has not been
established beyond doubt. But all historians agree that it occurred between 1232 and 1235. See Jocelyn
Hillgarth, Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth Century France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), p. 1,
n. 4.


2 In confirmation of this statement see Ca II, 209-249.
3 Namely the Liber Contemplationis in Deum and the Liber de Gentili et Tribus Sapientibus. The


Latin text of the Liber Contemplationis may be consulted in MOG IX-X. The latin text of the Liber de
Gentili may be seen in Vol. II of the same Mainz edition. The original Catalan text of the Libre de
Contemplacid may be consulted in ORL II-VIII, as well as in OE II, 97-1269. The original Catalan text
of the Libre del Gentil e los Tres Savis may be consulted in Obras, pp. 3-305, as well as in OE I, 1057-
1142.




24 WALTER W. ARTUS


of the creation of the world, explicitly and in a way that exhibits metaphy-
sical awareness, perspicacity and acumen. He continued to do so, still at
some length in many of the o ther numerous books which he managed to
write, amidst a most active life and constant travels, until practically the
moment of his death , in the pursuit of several lofty ideals for the well-
being of the world and Chris tendom. Two main reasons are suggested as
to why he re turned, again and again in incessant writings, to the problem
of the creation of the world. First and foremost, he wished to establish on
a sound rational basis the truth of the creation of the world ex nihilo vis-
a-vis the contrary positions espoused by two distinct segments of philoso-
phers within the Islamic world, towards whom he felt genuine respect. Of
the two positions, that of Avicenna was older, had a wider acceptance and
was, from the Christian standpoint , more dangerous. It was so because it
did not explicitly reject the creation of the world. Ra ther it explained it as
a somewhat complex procession of the many things in the world from the
reality of the original First Being, but in a manner that implied or signi-
fied a necessary and mediate emanat ion from the First being through a
series of intermediary agents or causes . 4 The second Arabian philosophical
position was linked to the name of Averroes who, consistently with his
appraisal of Aristotle 's philosophy as the highest achievement and truth of
human reason, resurrected the Greek notion of an eternally existing and
uncreated world, with all of its mat ter and mot ions . 5 Averroes did so
within an Islamic world that , on the basis of its faith, also accepts the
creation of the world out of nothing. An interesting aside in this connec-
tion is the fact that , even as late as only eight years before the Majorcan
philosopher 's death and when he was about seventy-seven years old, Llull
persevered vigorously in a lifelong defense of the truth of the creation of
the world, this t ime against the early fourteenth century Christian follo-
wers of Averroes at the University of Paris, where they had begun to
exercise leading and active roles within its Ar ts Faculty. A total of twenty-
nine extant anti-Averroistic treatises, written by the philosopher during his
last Paris stay of two years, between the Summer of 1309 and the Autumn
of 1311, still bear witness to the steadfastness, vigour, high-mindedness
and to the insights with which the author carried his philosophical opposi-
tion to a then young movement , which he , in the waning years of his life


4 Etienne Gilson, A Hislory of Christian Philosophy in ihe Middle A%es (New York: Random
House, 1954), pp. 210-14; Ignatius Brady, A History of Ancient Philosophy (Milwaukee: The Bruce
Publishing Co., 1959), p. 204-05.


5 Brady, op. cit. pp. 214-15.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 25


but with good reasons, deemed a serious threat to an authentic Christian
wisdom and phi losophy. 6


A second factor inclined Llull to explore in depth and to write clearly
and persuasively on the question of the possible beginning of the world. It
was part of a wider, generous and ardent desire to penet ra te with his ra-
tional unders tanding , 7 as much as feasible, the religious truths which he
had long before, since early youth, accepted with a sincere and devout
faith. T o the loving desire to investigate rationally the truths of faith he
linked the eagerly valued and related objective of sharing his knowledge
of the salvific truths of faith with as many members of the human family
as possible. He wished to do so more specifically and particularly with
those persons who, he knew, were outside of the Christian fold, but yet
were geographically near to , if not in the midst of, in some cases, the
realm of Chris tendom, namely the Jews and M o h a m m e d a n s . 8 It needs no
more than to be noted of course, that , with these two peoples , there was
agreement with the Christians on the religious truth of the creation of the
world. On this specific question therefore, the men whom Llull aimed to
persuade and to win over rationally were all those others who either, until
then , had been totally unaware of it or who might have rejected it, at
least implicitly, as a consequence of their acceptance of the proposition
that asserts the eternal duration of the world, in some form or ano the r . 9


With the well-founded conviction that a) differences in thought
amongst a number of great philosophers (and the schools which have fol-
lowed after them) are the result of a different understanding of the basic
concepts at issue; and with the realization that b) the creation of the
world, or correspondingly of its conceivable eternity, has been and rightly
continues to be a perennial philosophical problem of both consuming inte-
rest and importance, which each generation of metaphysical thinkers must


6 All of LulPs extant anti-Averroistic treatises have been lately critically edited by Helmut Riedlin-
ger and Hermogenes Harada in ROL V-VIII.


7 This desire has occasionally brought upon Llull the undeserved accusation of rationalism by some
of his detractors. On this question see Sebastian Garcias Palou, "San Anselmo de Canterbury y el Beato
Ramon Llull", EL (1957), 63-89; Bartolome M. Xiberta, "El presumpte racionalisme de Ramon Llull."
EL VII (1963), 153-65; Johannes Stohr, "Las Rationes Necessariae de Ramon Llull, a la luz de sus
ultimas obras", EL XX (1976), 5-52.


8 One of Llull's earlicst works that reveals his desire to enter into rational dialogue with thc wise
men of other monotheist religions is his Liber de Gentili et Tribus Sapientibus referred to above in note
3. The Vita Coaetanea written about five ycars before the philosopher's death also provides the reader
with a dramatic account of some of the conversations Llull entered into with a number of Mohammedan
wise men. The Latin text of the Contemporary Biography can be Found in ROL VIII, 272-304. It is
includcd among Llull's Opera because it was written by a monastic friend, to whom Llull had recently
told the story of his life.


9 These were mainly philosophically minded thinkers who inclined to the views expressed by either
of the two leading mediaeval Arabian philosophers mentioned earlier.




26 WALTER W. ARTUS


invest igate , 1 0 or re-think, for itself -wi thout neglecting of course, the intel-
lectual asistance bequeathed to them by philosophers who have faced up
to the problem before t h e m - , we shall proceed now to acquaint ourselves
with the basic points of Ramon Llull's understanding of the creation of the
world, as it can be gathered from his numerous writings. We hope in this
manner to arrive at one objective; to obtain as clear an understanding as
possible of what men signify, or have in mind, generally when they speak
of the creation of the world. On that account we shall acquaint ourselves,
almost exclusively, with the Majorcan philosopher 's explanations and sta-
tements regarding the key points at issue when men think, ordinarily and
explicitly, about such a creation, or correspondingly when others , with
whom we disagree, assert the eternity of the world. As we advance in our
task, we shall also become acquainted with the main reasons that were
subsequently developed into arguments by the philosopher, in order to de-
fend with them rationally the truth regarding the various questions actually
involved in the problem. Time and space will not permit us on this occa-
sion however, to enter into any detailed analyses of these arguments , ei-
ther those which directly support the philosopher 's position or those which
are a rebuttal and answer to the opponents of his views.


Indubitably, when creationist theists defend the truth of the creation
of the world, what is at issue and what they have in mind is the creation
of that world stricto sensu, its creation from simply out of no th ing . 1 1 Nor


1 0 For concrete examples of contemporary metaphysicians concerned with the question of Creation
see Joseph Owens' already cited book An Elementary Christian Metaphysics (Milwaukee: The Bruce
Publishing Co., 1962), pp. 99-102; Maurice Halloway, An Introduction to Natural Theology (New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1959), pp. 337-61, and James Francis Anderson, The Cause of Being (St.
Louis: B. Herdor, 1952).


" Jacques Maritain, Approaches to God, tr. Peter 0'Reilly (New York: MacMillan Co., 1965), pp.
46, 47. As for those who deny the creation of the world stricto sensu, what else might the Epicurean
Roman poet, Lucretius, mean when he repeatedly wrote: "nothing from nothing was ever born?" On
the Nature of Things, bk. 1, tr. William Ellery Leonard (New York: E. P. Button, 1950), p. 8. Particu-
larly today there is, of course, a less strict or wider usage of the verb "to create". Not infrequently it is
said that an artist, or even nature creates. Thus also we must interpret the title of George Gamow's The
Creation of the Universe (London: MacMillan, 1951). Obviously, in such creations there is no question
of productions out of nothing, or ex nihilo. Rather some pre-existent matter, material or subject, an
aliquid of one sort or another, has been made use of and acted on by an efficient cause. A master of
his native tongue, Llull was no exception to this extended and analogous usage of words. It ought to be
noted however, that he restricted his usage of "to create" and of its derivatives to the ad extra produc-
tions by the First Being, God. As examples, read chapters thirty-two through thirty-six of his encyclope-
dic Liber Contemplationis. In those chapters Llull sings of the creation of the heavens, the four basic
elements, the first trees, etc. Undoubtedly the author wrote there as he did, just like other careful theist
thinkers, because of a profound realization of the distinctness and uniqueness of the divine ad extra
productions. When Llull restricted the usage of creation to God in his writings therefore, it was not
because of doubts or because of the rejection of an efficiently causal power exercised by beings other
than God. The possession of such a causal power by humans and other natural beings he clearly ack-
nowledged. The reason rather was Llull's correct understanding that the First Being is at the same time




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 27


can it be denied obviously that on the other hand, the production of the
world out of nothing, rejected and indeed declared impossible by the ma-
jority of thinkers who maintain the eternal character and duration of the
world, is that same strict creation. It may readily be understood that since
Ramon Llull was always a convinced or thodox monotheist and Christian
thinker, he could not but defend the classically theistic conception of the
original creation of the world, of its fundamental and intrinsic essential
principles and of the original, or first, beings when world first began to
exist. Llull also held to the strict creation of each separate substance and
of each rational or human soul. All of these have already come to be , or
are still coming into existence initially, by way of a strict creation, wherein
a) no preexistent material cause or prior subject is given, and b) there is
therefore, a veritable transition from non-being to being, as regards the
distinct reality of each of them.


What is really at issue in the disputes regarding the creation of the
world is its creations stricto sensu, its total creation by a Creator who is
other than that world or anything of that world and who, acting as the
total and first efficient cause, brought that world out of sheer and total
nothingness into existence for the first t ime. In the original production of
the world therefore, the Creator utilized nothing, indeed had nothing to
utilize in order to construct with it ei ther the whole, or any of the intrinsic
principles, of any of the things of that wor ld . 1 2 With that understanding,
we are ready to pass on more directly to the consideration and examina-
tion of Ramon LlulFs unders tanding of the creation of the world, as it can
be gathered from his many extant writings and as announced at the outset
or in the title of this article. First of all, it is to be noted that according to
the Majorcan philosopher, if the world or anything of the world was only
given any kind of separate- and objective being when and because it was
created - a n d this for the reason that there was nothing of it before and, in
addition, there was nothing with which either it, its principles or any part
of it might have been m a d e - then the world and the things that constitute


and always the First Efficient Cause of all reality outside of Himself. Moreover, the First Being alone
can cause totally the things that He can efficiently bring into existence through the exercise of an infini-
te active power. Amongst all efficient causes, the First Being alone is without need absolutely of any
cooperative secondary causes in order to produce any of His effects. If Llull described the production of
the heavens, of the basic elements and of all the first physical beings as "creation" -though not concei-
ving them as created directly out of nothing, but rather as made out of a primal matter, previously
created out of nothing,- it was clearly because he realized well that the First Being had Himself pre-
viously given being to that first matter, about which philosophers speak. In thus making those original
first physical beings, the First Being remains their complete and total efficient cause, for the very simple
reason that he had created the matter ex nihilo. No finite entity, as such possessed of only finite
powers, can efficiently cause and actually make something, except through working on and utilizing
some pre-existing materials or things. These it simply changes when it "creates" new objects or things.


1 2 Owens, Op. ciu, p. 100.




28 WALTER W. ARTUS


it have obviously not always existed, have not always been, have not al-
ways had their own being. The world and the things in it are consequently
not eternal and they have not existed, or been , from all a t e rn i ty . 1 3 If it is
the case that the world has been brought into being because it has been
made, caused or produced by a First Efficient Cause , with the obvious
result that it once received its being totally and simpliciter for the first
time since it was nothing before, then it follows riecessarily that the world
is not eternal in the duration of its being. If therefore, the world was crea-
ted in the strict sense of the word, then it is not eternal . For if it is the
case that the world and the things in it were originally produced in the
totality of their being by a First Cause , it cannot be maintained at the
same time that the world is uncreated and eternal . Now there have been a
few notable thinkers however, who have been ready to maintain that the
existence of a created thing from all eternity is not a manifest impossibi-
l i ty , 1 4 at least not demonstrably so. These thinkers would rather. say that
the world either actually is or at least might possibly be e ternal , al though
at the same time they are eager to admit that it was created in its being.
With the exception of the few notable thinkers just noted, it is a fact how-
ever, that most thinkers and persons are inclined to think and to speak of
an eternal world as an ipso facto uncreated world. Such was undeniably
the stand of Aristotle and the other great Greek and Hellenistic philoso-
phers about whom we know with any degree of accuracy and certainty.
According to all of them, and in one form or another , ei ther the world
itself or at least the principles out of which it arose and which constitute
therefore, that world, have had no absolute and total beginning. In any
case, when all is said and done , the world, or at least its intrinsic princi-
ples, must be declared eternal , uncreated and wellnigh as necessary as
God , or the gods, who has, or have , existed e terna l ly . 1 5 Limiting ourselves
to the physical or material universe in which we live, it can be stated with
assurance that for the Greek philosophers of ancient times in general , the
world or at least the matter and elements that compose its entitative
reality has or have always existed, eternally and separately from any possi-
ble maker of the world. Clearly, if we wish to speak of a maker of the
world as a creator, we shall have to do so only in the wide usage and
meaning of the term, not in its strict one . H e r e we may recall how neither
the basic elements of the earliest philosophers, nor the unformed mat ter
of Plato and Aristotle, nor the indivisible and invisible a toms of the Ato-
mist School were ever conceived by their proponents as created in their


13 Liber de Genlili, bk. 2, art. 2, MOG II, 44-8 = Int. ii, 24-8.
1 4 Maritain, Approaches, pp. 46-47; Gilson, op. cil., p. 374.
1 5 Brady, op. cil., pp. 96, 126.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 29


being. Ra the r in each case they thought them eternal in their existence
and reality, al though recognizing that perhaps the things and the world
resulting from them might have had an actual and measurable beginning.
The experienced and observed world of generation and corruption wherein
we find ourselves and perhaps the universe at large, which is of course
distinct from G o d and any other divinity, may have today a different
ar rangement , order and disposition than they had, let us say, many
billions of years ago. On that account we may possibly say that the world
had a beginning, because its present constitution and order have not al-
ways been exactly the same. But in the last analysis, all the intrinsic and
most basic principles that in their own distinct way may have contributed
to the beginning and to the reality of the present arrangement and form of
the things of the world have always been in existence. They have been
around eternally. It has been so because those principles are ultimately
increated and uncreatable , according to the extant writings of the Greek
philosophers. For at least that reason, the world did not , and could not ,
ultimately and originally have an external or t ranscendent efficient and to-
tal cause of its being, for at least its intrinsic entitative principles, particu-
larly its mat ter or material cause, have always existed, have been eternally
in one way or another . Unders tandably , such is and has to be , the consis-
tent position put forth and defended by the at least implicitly atheistic phi-
losophers , 1 6 since in their view, there is no Supreme Existent or Being to
whom man and the world are in any way indebted for their own existence
and being, not even originally. Indubitably, for them to accept as indepen-
dently objective or real an authentic creator of the world is tan tamount to
accepting a t ranscendent First Being, a Being other than the world, to
whom all things in the world would ultimately owe their reality and being.
But of course, if on the o ther hand, there is nothing real outside of, and
in addition to , what we think as man and the world, then obviously there
has not been , nor will there ever be , a creator of the world, unders tood as
a total efficient cause of the world 's existence. O n e can readily see that
this should have been and was the position adopted by either a Democri -
tus of Abde ra because of his doctrine of an eternal universe of lifeless and
non-cognitive a toms, moving totally at random in a limitless void or spa-
c e , 1 7 or by other similarly inclined atheistic ph i losophers . 1 8 But as is well
known, the notion of an eternal and uncreated world was also the position
espoused and, to some extent defended by other Greek philosophers, as
well as by a few of their later non-Greek successors, to whom we cannot


1 6 Holloway. op. cii., pp. 469-70.
1 7 Brady, op. cil., p. 65.
1 8 Holloway, op. cit., pp. 469-70.




30 WALTER W. ARTUS


attr ibute any outright atheism, by any stretch of the imagination. These
admittedly theist philosophers were satisfied of the eternal character of the
universe for different reasons and in different ways. Ar i s to t l e 1 9 for instan-
ce, as well as his later but faithful followers - amongs t whom we must na-
me particularly the Arabian commenta tor , A v e r r o e s , 2 0 and the members
of the Latin school named after him, besides other radical Aristotelians
concluded to the existence of a First Being and Mover who neither is nor
can be an efficient cause of the world, or of anything outside himself for
that ma t t e r . 2 1 Certainly, according to all of these Aristotel ians, a transcen-
dent and Divine Being exists, who is the noblest of all beings, is even the
world's First Cause , but only as the highest final cause. In a sense, it is
the supreme perfection of such a final cause that prevents it, or stops it,
from being at all an efficiently creative cause of any reality outside of it-
self. 2 2 Consequently, not only the separate spiritual substances but also the
world, its material cause and other principles, as well as the species of all
things, are uncreated and e t e rna l . 2 3 The individual members of each spe-
cies in the world of generation and corruption alone begin to be truly and
they eventually cease. Before Aristot le , his great teacher, Plato, had un-
veiled an apparent maker of the world, the famous Demiurge of The Ti-
maeus To that maker the writer of the Dialogues at t r ibuted, at least alle-
gorically, an effective efficient causal i ty 2 4 vis-a-vis the world of becoming
or of physical being. At the same time also he wrote , perhaps , of the
world's and of man's beginning at the hands of both the Demiurge and
the lesser gods. Yet interpreters and scholars unanimously agree that if we
examine closely the "likely stories" of the Timaeus and give to them the
most rational explanation possible, the accurate picture of the Demiurge
that emerges from them falls short from the conception of a Creator of
the world stricto sensu.25 At most , the platonic Dialogue portrays a creator
in the wide sense for, in the last analysis, that maker of the world is
simply a giver of forms, a formator26 or a shaper of things. H e makes the
world and the things in it by bestowing on an eternally unformed and
chaotic mat ter a mysterious share or participation in the reality of the
world of Forms or I dea s . 2 7 . Like the chaotic mat ter which they somehow


" Brady, op. cil.. p. 126; Riedlinger, in ROL V, 18.
2 0 Riedlinger, op. cil., in ROL V, 24.
21 Ibid., pp. 30, 43, 46, 47 , 58.
22 Ibid., p. 17; Brady, op. cit., pp. 126-27; Frederick Copleston, A History of Philosophy (West-


minster: Newman Press, 1959), Vol. 1, pp. 326-27.
2 3 Copleston, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 314.
2 4 Plato, Timaeus 29e-30a in The Collected Dialogues of Plalo, ed. Edith Hamilton and Huntington


Cairns (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), p. 1162. See also Brady, op. cit., pp. 93-94.
2 5 Owens, op. cit., p. 336; Copleston, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 248.
2 6 Brady, op. cit., p. 93.
27 Ibid., p. 96.




RAMON LLULUS CONCEPT OF CREATION 31


inform, the Ideas seem to be entitatively separate and independent from
the maker of the world, for they are eternally existent in their own intelli-
gible world. The matter or material cause constitutive in great measure of
most of the instrinsic reality of the things of the sensible world has not
been brought therefore, into existence at all, for the reason that it has
never been absolutely nothing. Uncrea ted , it has been around eternally.
At most the Demiurge only shapes it and gives to it the different forms or
natures which it receives and has at different times in our physical w o r l d , 2 8


due to a mysterious disposition wherein consists the imitation of, and the
participation in, the reality of the eternal Forms and Ideas by the indivi-
dual things of the physical world: a Platonic doctrine so strenuously critici-
zed by Plato 's own greatest s tudent , Ar i s to t l e . 2 9 The point here is simply
to recall how Plato 's maker of the world created nothing in the strict sense
of the word. H e created neither the mat ter nor the eternal forms, both of
which in their own distinct way contribute to the inner makeup of the
things of the world.


W e find a third and slightly different version of the eternal and un-
created character of the world when we meet with the understanding of
how that world arose within the philosophy of Plotinus, the last of the
ancients and with whom their philosophy came to its end, chronologically
speaking. Within Plotinus ' emanationist account -appropr ia ted and modi-
fied later by several of the outstanding mediaeval Islamic philosophers, es-
pecially A v i c e n n a 3 0 - the world as a whole is explained as the result of an
eternal and necessary overflow, without diminution or change, from within
the substance or the O n e , 3 1 the first principle of all that is, al though the
One itself is above being and t h o u g h t . 3 2 Mat ter , with the world that arises
from it, stands at the outermost limits, as it were , of that eternal outflow
and radiation from the O n e . 3 3 Yet both mat ter and the world are as ne-
cessary and eternal as the O n e and all the other emanat ions from it, be-
cause ultimately all the apparent multiplicity and diversity present in the
world are absorbed and disappear, as it were , in the monistic and pan-
theistic reality of the O n e , notwithstanding Plotinus' heroic efforts to
maintain at all costs a truly meaningful t ranscendence or the One over the
manifold which is the wor ld . 3 4 By reason of the at least implicit monism of


2 9 See Aristotle Metaphysics, I, 9, 990a-993a in The Student Oxford Aristotle, tr. W. D. Ross (Lon-
don: Oxford Univ. Press, 1942). Also see Copleston, op. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 293-300.


3 0 Copleston, op. cit., Vol. 2, (1962), p. 192.
3 1 Plotinus, Enneads, VI, ix, 5, tr. Stephen McKenna (London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1962), p.


619. See also Brady. op. cit., p. 182; and Copleston, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 466.
3 2 Plotinus, Enneads, VI, viii, 14, p. 608. See also Brady, op. cit., pp. 181-82; and Copleston, op.


cit., Vol. 1, p. 464.
3 3 Brady, op. cit., p. 184.
34 Ibid., pp. 182, 186; Copleston, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 467.




32 WALTER W. ARTUS


any authentic emanationism, not only the first Plotinian emanat ions and
"created" beings, the Nous or Intelligence and the World-Soul, but also
even the matter of the world have always been what they are . It cannot
be otherwise, since in some way they always share in the reality of the
O n e , from whom they emanate eternally. In some mysterious fashion
therefore, the world has always been and, within the innermost structure
of its being, it is not really separate or distinct from the transcendent O n e .
This in spite of the fact that the One was declared to be superior and
prior to being because the One has been there eternally, prior to the eter-
nal appearance of all things that have being in a determinate way. Hence
the general judgment of Plotinus' account of the reality of the world as
excluding its strict c rea t ion . 3 5 The basis of that judgment lies in at least
these two reasons: a) there has been no actual transition from non-being
to being in the eternal emanation of all things from the O n e , and b) there
is an ultimate oneness to all things which is really no more than a subtle
monism and pantheism, with the at least implied consequent denial of the
separate reality of the world from that of the O n e .


It was basically their understanding of the nature or the First Princi-
ple or Cause that led the three ancient philosophers to the positions just
briefly outlined, in which they postulated the eternity of an uncreated
world. Similarly, it was their different understanding of the ontologically
First Being, different from, not to say in some basic features contrary to ,
that of most ancient philosophers, that has led classical theists, down
through the centuries and in harmonious accord with the creationist tea-
ching of the great three monotheist religions, to their distinct and unequi-
vocal denial of the eternal duration of anything of, and within, the world.
A classical theist upholds a properly conceived divine t ranscendence. Ac-
cording to him, the First Being is at once , in the fulness of the infinity of
his being, both the ultimate First Efficient Cause and the supreme Final
Cause of all of the reality and being possessed by every entity that has
been, or that will ever be , placed in the extramental realm of ex is tence . 3 6


By His very na ture , which is literally infinite, the First Being contains, and
indeed is identical with, the fulness and very essence of being and good-
ness. On that account, He is the absolutaly free and total source of the
existence and being of all that is not Himself. For reasons wellnigh explicit
in such an understanding of the First Being, the classical theist sees that
he cannot but reject outright any thought of an eternally uncreated world,
or anything that is not God . To accept as factual and true the eternity of


Copleston, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 466.
Holloway, op. cit., p. 389.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 33


an uncreated world, or of anything else not G o d , amounts to no less than
a denial of the singularly unique character of the Infinite Being, whom he
acknowledges as truly the first efficient cause or all the beings distinct
from Him. In the inexhaustible perfection of the infinity of His being, the
First Being is eternally immutable and enduring.


As seen from the standpoint of classical theism, if it is a fact that the
great ancient philosophers and not a small number of their followers and
sucessors, even to the present day, have proposed and defended the no-
tion of an eternal and uncreated world, it is because, due to one or
another reason, they failed to arrive at the conception of the First Being
in the correct terms of a sound theism and monotheism. In the case of a
few of them, namely those who have been either atheists or pantheists , we
find an outright denial of the reality of the. First Being, as distinct in a
meaningful way from that of man and the world. In view of such a situa-
t ion, it should not surprise us, as if we had met with something totally
unexpected, when we come across a philosopher of the character and sta-
ture of Ramon Llull who , contrariwise and in agreement with by far the
majority of classical theist thinkers , constantly at tacked the thought of an
eternal world as an error and a falsehood, which a sound and true philo-
sophy cannot but always refute, because he saw it as very much opposed
to the truth and to the correct understanding of the nature of the ontolo-
gically First Being. Wellnigh unceasingly in his many varied books, he re-
minds the reader that the totality of things, whereof we ordinarily speak
as either " the universe" or " the world" , owes its entire being, ultimately
and originally, to a creative action on the part of the First Being. The
world or "second b e i n g " 3 7 - a designation by which Llull occasionally in
some of his writings names the collectivity of all finite things on account
of their fundamental distinction and common origin from the First Being
who has caused t h e m - has ultimately received its being from the First
Being. All that is the second being has consequently, been created, becau-
se it owes the perfection and character or its being totally to the single
infinite source of all being, which is none other than the singularly unique,
uncreated and eternal First Cause and Being. Within basically this thought
is found the Majorcan philosopher 's rei terated refusal to concede any ra-
tionality to the notion of even the mere possibility of an eternal durat ion,
to the notion more specifically of a duration without a beginning, in the
case of anything that is not the First Being. Consequent ly, not only is the
world not e ternal , but it is al together impossible that it, or anything not
G o d , might have existed from all eternity, even if one were willing to
speak of an eternally created being or world. This means that Llull fought


Metaphysica Nova et Compendiosa, ROL VI, 20.




34 WALTER W. ARTUS


the notion of the eternity of the world on two counts, as it were , or in
two different ways. First of all and in agreement with all classical theistic
philosophers, he endeavored to prove, on a few occasions in his writings,
that it is demonstrably false that the world is both uncreated and eternal .
This first stand which Llull attacked is the position of most of the thinkers
who have professed or maintained, in different ways, the eternity of the
world. The Majorcan philosopher attacked this idea of an eternal and un-
created world already in one of his earliest literary compositions, namely
the Liber de Gentili et Tribus Sapientibus. In that book , it is suggested
that one of the main reasons that led inquiring philosophers to think in
such terms is the fact of the constant revolutions of the heavenly bodies,
as well as their apparent incorruptibility. Apar t from the astronomical in-
correctness of that antiquated notion regarding the heavenly bodies, LlmTs
main point was to observe that the philosophers ' inference concluding to
the eternity of the heavens was wrong. Therefore , he noted that "the fact
that both heavens and the heavenly bodies are limited in their extension
signifies that they have been c r ea t ed . " 3 8 Thirty years later, in a book
which the author-philosopher intended as the final and definitive version
of an Art , which he deemed heaven- inspired, 3 9 he again argued:


If the heavens are eternal , then they have the power to be
eternally of themselves. This, because what was never in po-
tency to being, can neither be ever in potency to non-being.
And in such a case, the power of God would not be the cau-
se of the power of the heavens, nor God ' s goodness the cause
of the goodness ot the heavens. Nor could the power of God
deprive the heavens of their power, since the heavens, would
then govern themse lves . 4 0


Just a few lines earlier in the same book , the author had unequivo-
cally asserted that: "if the heavens are eternal , then they have not been
created out of nothing, for the simple reason that they have always exis-
t e d . " 4 1 As might well have been expected, given the vigorous convictions
of a philosopher of the caliber of Llull, upon learning of the recently revi-


3 8 "Respondet Judaeus: in hoc, quod firmamentum et corpora caelestia sunt terminata et finita in
quantitate, significant, se esse creata". Liber de Genlili, MOG II, 48 = Int. ii, 28.


3 9 On the origin of Llull's Art read the anonymous Vita Coaetunea, III, ROL VIII, 280.
4 0 "Si coelum est aeternum, potest per se esse aeternum: quoniam ens aeternum nunquam fuit in


potentia ad essendum, neque est in potentia ad non essendum: et sic potestas Dei non esset causa potes-
tatis coeli; nec bonitas Dei bonitatis coeli: et potestas Dei non posset privare potestatem coeli, eo quia
coelum per se gubernaret se." Ramon Llull, Ars Generalis Ultima, 9, s. 3, c. 2, ed. Francis Manjal
(Palma: Gabriel Guasp, 1645), pp. 223-24.


4 1 Si coelum est ab aeterno, non est creatum de nihilo; eo quia semper fuit". Ibid., p. 223.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 35


ved radical Aristotelian positions by the early fourteenth century Christian
followers of the Arabian Averroes , in the name of authentic philosophy
within the very precincts and lecture halls of the famous mediaeval Uni-
versity of Paris, the academic center of mediaeval Chris tendom, Llull
again strongly opposed the resurrected Aristotelico-Averroistic tenet asser-
ting the eternal and uncreated character of the world which Aristotle had
indeed declared caused, but only teleologically. Llull attacked this thesis
explicitly in several of the twenty-nine extant anti-Averroistic treatises
wherein, between the end of the summer of the year 1309 and the start of
the autumn of the year 1311, on a high plane but still quite vigorously he
disputed all of the Averroistic positions which he deemed offensive, or at
least very dangerous, to both sound philosophy and Christian o r thodoxy . 4 2


From the numerous occasions and writings in which he took up the
appropriate questions, it is unequivocally clear that Llull was categorically
opposed, not only to the notion of an eternally uncreated world, but also
to a second and slightly different stand which speaks likewise of an eternal
world. According to this second notion, the world was, and indeel had to
be , created. But it ei ther was, or at least could have actually been created
eternally. Although therefore created, the world has, or could have, exis-
ted from all eternity, since it either actually was, or could have been,
created from all eternity. Such a different version of the eternity of the
world Llull, with many others , also considered false. The reason for so
thinking was that , as Llull and many other outstanding Christian philoso-
phers , t hough t , 4 3 an eternal world must, practically ipso facto as it were ,
be an uncreated and unconditionally necessary world, or at least as eternal
and necessary as the eternal First B e i n g . 4 4 If things are really so, then the
First Being is not really the source of the world's being, at least He is not
its totally free and first efficient cause. The First Being could not in that
case either have been the Creator of the world, or the second being, stric-
to sensu.45 A number of Llull's writings show amply that the philosopher
was well acquainted with the position of certain phi losophers , particularly
Islamic ones, in whose opinion there is no obvious incompatibility between
the two ideas of a) a world that has actually been created and b) the
same world having existed from all e te rn i ty . 4 6 Indeed, according to some


See note 6 above.
4 3 For example St. Bonaventure. See Copleston, op. cil., Vol. 2, p. 265.
4 4 See note 41 above.
45 Liber de Deo et suis Propriis Qualitatibus [rtfinitis, ROL II, 284-5. See also note 40 above. In


order to establish that God is the efficient cause through the creation of everything that is contained
within the second being Llull wrote in May of 1311 his Liber de Efflciente et Effectu (ROL VII, 273-91).


4 6 See Llulfs Liber de Gentili, bk. 2, art. 2, MOG II, 47 = Int. ii, 27; also Arthur Hyman and
James Walsh, Philosophy in the Middle Ages (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., 1974), pp. 234-35;
Etienne Gilson, The Christian Philosophy of St. Thomas Aquinas (New York: Random House, 1966), p.
147.




36 WALTER W. ARTUS


of those philosophers, not only could or might the world have existed
from all eternity, but it actually has done so. This notwithstanding their
declaration and acceptance of the truth that the world has actually been
created by God or the First Cause. T h e world, consequently, has indeed
received all of its being originally and ultimately from the First Cause. It
has been truly created by Him, but it has been so created from all eter-
nity, without a real beginning of the world 's existence, which is therefore
eternal , or at least eternally beginningless. According to the thought of
those philosophers, the world has been m a d e , it has been produced, and
indeed it has been created out of nothing (as taught also by the Islamic
religion); but it has been made and created e te rna l ly . 4 7


As suggested a few lines above , Llull was acquainted with the notion
of an eternally created universe as it was proposed in his day by a few
influential Arabian followers of the philosopher Avicenna. The latter had
perhaps simply intended to utilize, as best he could, the language of Neo-
platonic emanationism in order to express in meaningful philosophical lan-
guage the conception of the creation of the world out of nothing by the
First C a u s e . 4 8 Regardless of intentions however , the Avicennian account
appears to end up , according to most historians and critics, as just another
version of the emanationist theory first ingeniously devised by Plotinus
centuries earlier. The physical world is viewed as a product ion t raceable,
at least mediately, to the First Cause , but by way of some sort of emana-
tion from the tenth and last of the Avicennian separate Intelligences, of
which the first alone proceeds immediately from the First Cause as its
eternally necessary and first emanat ion . But whether or not one uses the
language of creation or of emanat ion , according to Avicenna and his follow-
ers, the world has ultimately proceeded from its causes with a necessity of
nature , rather than f reely . 4 9 Eager and intent on not compromising in the
least the eternal perfection and immutability of the Supreme Being, as
well as undoubtedly wishing to be as faithful to the teaching on creation
of their religion, a few later Islamic philosopher-theologians, whose
thought was personally known to R a m o n Llull as indicated in his writings,
modified Avicenna 's position slightly. Accordingly, they taught more expli-
citly that the First Being truly created the world and brought it into being
as its First Efficient Cause. But yet H e did so clearly from all eternity and
without freedom, for otherwise H e would have been totally idle or inacti-
ve from all eternity, until the moment when H e decided, and then carried
out the design, to create the world or other beings not Himself. For that


4 7 Gilson, History, p. 212.
4 8 Copleston, op. cit., p. 192; Brady, op. cil., p. 203.
4 9 Copleston, op. cit., p. 192; Brady, op. cit., p. 205.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 37


reason, the world must have been created and must have existed from all
eternity. As an alternative, we have to be willing to admit that the First
Cause was inactive until It brought the world into being, with the logical
implication that It has changed from a prior state of inactivity and idleness
to a subsequent one in which It became fruitfully active and c rea t ive . 5 0


The world is therefore, both created and eternal , and it is impossible that
it be otherwise, as long as God is God . A similar thought had been enter-
tained many centuries earlier by the speculatively talented early Ghristian
thinker , Origen. According to this writer also, a non-eternal production
and creation of the world, or of some first world, would introduce new-
ness and change into the supposedly perfect and immutable First Being.
Without sufficiently distinguishing the act of creating on the part of God
and the reality of the created world as the ad extra product of creation on
the other , Origen thought that a non-eternal world, or worlds, necessarily
entails a transition or change on the side of G o d , because He would then
not have been acting and creating until He made a wor ld . 5 1 To this one
more point was added by the Arabian thinkers, whose thought Llull had
very much always in mind. According to them, the inevitable change im-
plied in a non-eternal creation establishes also the unacceptable point that
the First Being was not fully the superlatively perfect being until the
world, as the affect of a non-eternal creation, received its be ing . 5 2 The
perfection of the First Being would in such a case have been incomplete
or unfinished until It began to exercise Its efficient power to act exteriorly
and to create either the world or some other external effect.
Without at least one external and eternal effect or product to show, as it
were , the efficient power of the First Cause was eternally inactive and id-
le, and remained consequently, incomplete and unfinished and was indeed
quite imperfect until the creation of the world. The First Being might have
been in existence eternally, but without any activity and operat ions to
crown it with its requisite total fulfillment. They would have only begun
when the world was finally created, adding thereby in some way to the
perfection of the First Being, who therefore would not have been supre-
mely perfect before. In lines that bespeak solid esteem and respect for the
sincerity and good intentions of philosophers with whom he disagreed,
Llull reveals his awareness both of their thought and of the reasons which
led them to views which he considered false, specifically those of an eter-
nal world and an imperfect God. In a short passage which we shall pre-
sently cite, he also traces their apparent failures on the matter to their


5 0 See Llull, Liber de Gentili, bk. 2, art. 2, MOG II, 47-8 = Int. ii, 27-8; Sermones Contra Aver-
rois, ROL VII, 251; also the Vita Coaetanea, ROL VIII, 298.


5 1 Gilson, History, p. 40.
5 2 Anon. Vila Coaetanea, loc. cit.




38 WALTER W. ARTUS


ignorance of the infinitely and eternally productive interior life within the
Godhead , realized fully in the perfectly immanent activities with which the
Divine Being is eternally and supremely perfect and self-sufficient. As a
consequence, they were also ignorant of the fact that , in order to have
fully the infinite perfection of His nature and being, God stands in no
need at all of any external works or productions wherewith, in the exerci-
se of his efficient power and causality H e can bring into existence beings
other than Himself. In kind and sympathetic words Llull explains that


The principal reason why philosophers desire greatly to prove
that the world is eternal is so that they thus attribute honor
to the First Cause, i.e. God . From that Cause the philoso-
phers proceeded down to their understanding of other things.
They asserted that since It is the Cause and the End of all
things, and since It is e ternal , in the same fashion, whatever
it has caused, its effect in other words, must also be eternal .
And that effect they identified with the wor ld . 5 3


It is not possible to state with assurance whether Llull was, or was
not , explicitly aware of the slightly different position advocated by a few
other thinkers, among whom as the leading one we must name the Ange-
lic Doctor , St. Thomas Aquinas . O n e of the acknowledged great masters
of authentic Christian thought , St. Thomas accepted, on the basis of his
Christian faith, the truth of the doctrine of the non-eternal creation of the
world from the standpoint , of course, of the actual external production of
the reality of anything distinct from God . H e was moreover also convin-
ced that men can demostrably prove, by reason alone, that the world with
all that is not the First Being was, and had to be, created in order to
possess its objective existence. The world owes its whole being originally
therefore, to the First Being who alone has the power to create in the
sense of making something to be totally, without any pre-existing subjects
or material causes. Thirdly, according to the Angelic Doctor , reason can
also establish the non-conclusive character of any arguments that purpor-
tedly demonstra te the eternal existence of the world. Reason , in other
words, is incapable of showing as a totally uncreated entity or as a created
thing. But at the same time Aquinas holds further, that reason cannot dis-
prove altogether that the world might or could have existed from all eter-
nity, although however, in a created fashion, since it would still have re-


5 3 "Hoc, per quod philosophi maxime volunt probare, quod mundus sit aeternus, est, ut dent hono-
rem et nobilitatem primae causae, hoc est, Deo; a qua prima causa dicti philosophi devenerunt in noti-
tiam rerum, dicentes: quod, sicut prima causa est causa et finis omnium, et est aeterna, ita conveniat,
quod ejus causatum, videlicet ejus effectus sit aeternus; hoc autem causatum dixerunt esse mundum".
Liber de Gentili, bk. 2, art. 2, MOG II, 47 = Int. ii, 27.




RAMON LLULLS CONCEPT OF CREATION 39


ceived its being from the creative First C a u s e . 5 4 In the mind of Aquinas
and a few other thinkers in other words, God could conceivably have
created the world from all eternity (although He has not done so of cour-
se). H e could have done so, not simply in the sense that the creative act is
eternal on the side of the First Being who is eternally perfect and immuta-
ble and not subject to t ime; but also in the sense that the world itself
might have received its existence without beginning, since the act of the
First Cause is eternal and without beginning or change. In agreement with
all other classical theists, Aquinas and the thinkers who side with him on
this last point reject as false the notion that the world is both eternal and
unc rea t ed , 5 5 which is the stand of men who deny that God is truly a crea-
tively efficient cause, either because of an outright atheism or because
they look upon God as simply and only the ultimate final cause of the
world. There is general agreement also among all classical theists, among
whom Aquinas is counted, in declaring false the understanding of the First
Cause as in any way causing and creating the world, but as a result of a
necessity of na ture , without therefore, any divine freedom and with the
implication that the First Being is unfinished and defective in the absence
of the actual extramental realization of at least one of the possible effects
of Its infinitely and eternally efficient causal i ty . 5 6 A third point of agree-
ment between Aquinas and other classical theists is closely linked to the
last one . It is that human reason can demonstrably show that the First
Being is the only absolutely necessary be ing ; 5 7 and this of course, explains
the previous point of agreement that creation stricto sensu is, on the side
of the creator , an entirely gratuitous and free gift of being on His crea-
tions or creatures. The entirely gratuitous character of creation is at the
same time used by thinkers who side with Aquinas as a confirmation of
their thought that the creation of the world, with an actual beginning of
its existence understood as a temporal beginning, is simply a truth of faith,
a truth known by men only because it has been supernaturally revealed.
The creation of the world with a beginning in time cannot be established
by reason. But on the other hand, as noted earlier although human
thought cannot conclusively show the impossibility of an eternally created
universe, it cannot demonstra te apodictically either the possibility of an
eternally created un ive r se . 5 8


In none of his numerous extant writings does Llull explicitly advert to
and refute the position of St. Thomas Aquinas on a conceivably eternal


Gilson, The Chrislian Philos., pp. 147-52.
5 5 Gilson, History, p. 373.
5 6 Copleston, op. cil., Vol. 2, p. 365.
5 7 Gilson, The Chrislian Philos., p. 70.
5 8 Gilson, History, p. 374.




40 WALTER W. ARTUS


world, about which he may have heard , .o r read, during one of his four or
five visits to Paris, in whose university Llull was authorized to lecture on
the "Ar t of Finding T r u t h " . 5 9 But still, even in the absence of any explicit
references to Aquinas ' exact position, Llull's writings make it sufficiently
clear that he would not approve of it. Indeed he rejected it, at least impli-
citly, when he explicitly rejected the very possibility that any created subs-
tance, including spiritual ones , can be equal with God as regards the parti-
cular mode of infinity which characterizes all of God ' s perfections and
being. Just as no creature, simply because of its necessary finiteness, can
be created with either a magnitude or goodness that are infinite, so also
no creature can be caused or brought into being with a duration of its
existence that is totally limitless, or infinite, in every possible w a y . 6 0 Such
would be the case however, if it were actually beginningless and eternal .
To the direct question of whether it is possible for the heavens to be eter-
nal Llull gives a reply in these words:


It was proven that the heavens are not eternal . Nor is it even
possible that they be eternal . Thence it follows that the entire
universe is new and that it has been brought into being, so-
mething it did not have be fo re . 6 1


Now although the world could not have been given its existence from
all eternity, it is incorrect to think that this is due to a positive lack or
limitation in the power of the First Being, for we must acknowledge, and
it can be established elsewhere, that the divine power is of itself absolutely
infinite. In discussions regarding God ' s infinite power, particularly in writ-
ten disputations against the Averroists of his day who claimed philosophi-
cally to limit God 's active power, almost to the point of denying it altoge-
ther , Llull made it abundantly clear that it is not a question of any limits
or imperfections on the side of the Creator ' s power. Rather it is all due to
the very nature of anything which has reality within the totality that is the
second being, i.e. the world, and all that is not the First being. Everything
that is not God is of its nature finite and contingent. It is for that very
reason totally incapable of receiving and keeping any perfections, inclu-
ding the most basic one of existence, except in a clearly limited or finite
fashion. 6 2 No finite entity - a n d no created being can be o therwise- is ca-


5 9 Riedlinger, op. cit., in ROL V, 136-7.
60 Liber de Perversione Enlis Removenda, ROL V, 477-8.
6 1 "Probatum est, quod caelum non est aeternum; nec etiam est possibile ipsum esse aeternum. Ad


quod sequitur, quod totum universum est novum et deductum in esse, quod non erat"; Ars Mystica
Theologiae et Philosophiae, d. 4, 3, ROL V, 413.


62 Liber de Perversione Entis Removenda, ROL V, 477.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 41


pable of ever coming close, even from a distance, to the infinity which is
uniquely proper of the First Being and wherewith He stands alone as the
absolutely necessary and singular being that He is. On the other hand,
Llull goes on to recognize that the First Being, by reason of His unique
infinity, stands always ready to bestow on His creations more than any of
them is capable of receiving. He stands ready to bestow on them any per-
fection even to the point of infinity, as it were , if only any of them were
sufficient to receive as m u c h . 6 3 All created beings however, are by their
very nature limited and finite, and consequently they are totally removed
from the boundless infinity that is required in order to receive and possess
even one perfection in an unlimited and infinite way. Now if a created
being were eternally in existence and without a beginning, then it would
possess its existence in an unlimited or infinite way. But that it cannot do ,
precisely because it cannot be otherwise than contingent and finite. For
that reason, R a m o n Llull rejected altogether the notion of any creature
that might or could conceivably have been created from all eternity, whe-
ther the creature be the world considered in its totality or any single subs-
tance of whatever kind. H e had no choice but to do so, since the notion
of an eternally created creature appeared to him practically absurd and
contradictory, if one unders tands correctly the nature of a finite being as
such. Llull tried to show that it is so by reminding us that undoubtedly , in
the minds of nearly all people , creation signifies an act of making some-
thing that had not been be fo re , 6 4 at least not in the same way. Moreover ,
as we saw earlier, creation strictly taken is an act of making that entails,
as far as the created being is concerned, its transition from totally not
being, from its lack of being altogether, from its simply non-being, to the
possession of being, to its. being simpliciter, for the first t ime altogether in
an extramental way. Previously to its creation stricto sensu, the created
object or thing did not exist at all. It only began to exist when it was
created. We noted earlier that the transition associated with strict creation
is not like the transitions that occur when things that already are change
from being this to being that , from being in this way to being in that way
or from being this particular thing to being another thing. In strict crea-
t ion, it is simply a transition from not being at all, from being nothing, to
being and to being something for the first t i m e . 6 5 It is not therefore, a


6 3 Loc. cit.
M "Si coelum est ab aeterno, non est creatum de nihilo; eo quia semper fuit... Unde sequitur. quod


mundus non esset effectus Dei, quoad suam bonitatem, et magnitudinem... Et quia omnia ista sunt
impossibilia; sequitur quod coelum creatum est, et novum". Ars Generalis, 9, s. 3, c. 2, ed. cit. p. 223.


6 5 "... sed in creatione non est ita, quia ipsa non est subjecta generationi et corruptioni, sed produc-
tioni creaturae productae de non esse in esse, quae creatura non esset producta de non esse in esse, si
antequam produceretur, esset in potentia; nam si esset in potentia. esset aliquid". Liber de Anima Ra-
tionali, MOG VI, 422 = Int. vii, 8. "In hoc, Domine, quod aeternitas tibi est propria, probatur quod




42 WALTER W. ARTUS


question of a transition measurable by the moments of before and after
that occur, or are distinguishable, whenever things are made , or created,
but through changing one thing into another . In creation strictly under-
stood, a thing therefore, is not made , is not made to be , gradually. It is
made instantly and totally in the essentials of its nature when, through
creation, it begins to be. The transition involved in creation strictly taken
is not therefore, a temporal one , for it is not a transition that involves
change in the proper meaning of the word. As stated more than once, the
transition is simply from non-being to being, because the created thing did
not exist extramentally at all before, neither itself completely nor any of
the principles that make it to be what it is, at least partially. Conse-
quently, we must not and cannot think that a created being has always
been. To say that it has, is to say that it has not passed from non-being to
being. If a thing has always been, without therefore having gone from its
total non-being to being something, then it has not been made , it has not
been created. If something has always been - a n d this is the common un-
derstanding of the statement that the world is or might be e t e rna l - then it
is unc rea t ed . 6 6 If the world has always existed because it is eternal , then
one cannot legitimately think that its non-being has come before its being
and existence. In such a case, the quasi terminus a quo of non-being im-
plied in the understanding and definition of creation stricto sensu, was ne-
ver given. Consequently, a world or thing that either has, or could pos-
sibly have, existed eternally, without a beginning to and of its being, is
not a world that has -been made . And less could it have been created,
since in order to be so made or created, it must not have been before its
creation. Certainly at least, a beginningless world or thing could not have
been created ex nihilo because it would have always been, instead of not
having been anything at all before in order that it might then be made
and created after, and because, it had been nothing. According to Llull
therefore, to propose a world that is at once created and eternal is to pro-
pose what is an impossibility and a contradic t ion . 6 7 For that reason, he
was ready to reject the notion as in a way a more ridiculous and less un-
derstandable error than the one which gives us a world that is both eternal
and uncreated.


creaturae sint creatae ex nihilo; nam, cum nulla res sit aeterna, nisi Tu, probatur, quod ipsae devenerint
in esse de non esse". Liber Contemplalionis, bk. 2, c. 30, MOG IX, 64. "... jam dixi, quod Divina
Voluntas voluerit, quod creatura de non esse deduceretur in esse". Disputatio Eremilae et Raymundi
super Aliquibus Dubiis Quaestionibus Sententiarum Magistri Pelri Lombardi, bk. 2, c. 37, MOG IV, 260
= Int, iv, 36.


6 6 See note 41 above.
6 7 "Utrum... sit Aeternus? Respondendum est, quod non. Ratio huius est, quia factibilis est. Facti-


bilis autem ab aeterno esse non potest; quia si sic, implicaretur contradictio, quod essct factibilis et non
factibilis". Liber de Forma Dei, ROL VIII, 72.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 43


The rational conclusion which asserts unequivocally that the world
had an absolute beginning was a conclusion accepted by Llull as in perfect
accord with the truth that he had known and accepted from the early
years of his life in a sincere Christian faith. Because of that faith, he had
long before spoken of the world as created and new or non-e te rna l . 6 8 Ra-
tionally to his own satisfaction at least, he had now explained that it can-
not be otherwise. Not because of limits or of a lack of power on the side
of the infinite and eternal First Cause, but because of the finiteness that
belongs to the very nature of all that is not the eternal and infinite First
Being. Created beings would not be the creatures that they are , contin-
gent and finite in every way, down to the roots and foundations of their
reality, if they actually had , or could even theoretically possess, a truly
boundless or eternal duration of existence, at least because beginningless.
The world therefore, has not always existed. It has had a beginning of its
existence, a beginning which has come after its previous total non-being,
except as a divine idea within the mind and wisdom of its eternal Creator .
That divine idea however, has always been and will always be totally one
with the Divine Rea l i ty . 6 9 It is not, and cannot be , entitatively identical
and one , in any way whatsoever , with the reality of the entities that cons-
titute the world collectively. The start of the world, as well as its transi-
tion and succession from non-being to being must not be imagined or un-
derstood as a beginning, a transition and succession that occurred in or
with t ime. Time istself only began at and with the beginning of the world.
We must not, therefore, imagine and think of a time which came before
the creation of the wor ld . 7 0 According to Llull, when all is said and done ,
neither the world as a whole nor any part or thing of it ever was, or could
ever have been from all eternity, even if one is willing to say that it was
created from all eternity. Creat ion, as an act on the part of God producti-
ve of the entire reality of beings distinct or separate from His being and
na ture , is certainly as eternal as God Himself. 7 1 It cannot be otherwise,
since any acts performed by the eternal First Being are one and indentical
with His being in the perfect simplicity and inmutability of the divine es-
sence. But when persons wonder at and speak of an "eternally created
world" ordinarily, it is not that interior act within the First Being that they
are thinking about. What is at issue in their minds is not the divine acti-
vity itself whereby God causes His effect ad extra. Ra ther what is in ques-
tion is the possible beginningless duration of the world, admittedly the ef-
fect of God ' s creative act. It is that eternal and beginningless duration that


68 Libre de Doctrina Pueril, c. 3 (Palma: Imprenta Pere Antoni Capo, 1736), p. 10.
69 Disputatio Eremitae et Raymundi, bk. 2, c. 37, MOG IV, 259 = Int. iv, 35.
711 Liber Contemplationis, bk. 2, c. 30, MOG IX, 64
71 Disputatio Eremitae et Raymundi, bk. 2, c. 37, MOG IV, 260 = Int. iv, 36.




44 WALTER W. ARTUS


Llull rejects because neither the world nor anything else created and finite
is ever able to have it, since it is totally excluded from it by its finite and
contingent character. It goes without saying that according to Llull and
rightly so, the non-eternal character of the creature does not in any way
modify or alter either the immutability or eternity of the Creator , simply
because the nonnecessary creation of finite beings in no way adds to or
takes anything away from the fulness of God ' s infinite being and perfec-
t i ons . 7 2


Anothe r very distinct characteristic of Llull's understanding of crea-
tion would seem to be rather obvious from the standpoint of any theist
who distinguishes clearly the reality of God from that of any other thing
or being. The denial of that distinction cannot but lead to some sort of
pantheism or monism, one of the perennial temptat ions before the human
spirit as borne out by the history of thought and of re l ig ion. 7 3 The aspect
in the understanding of creation to which we allude now has sometimes
been overlooked, or at least obscured, by those who seem unable to un-
derstand how a creation ex nihilo, a creation stricto sensu, can ever occur
because of the difficulties linked to the ex nihilo. As a result, since they
do not wish to deny altogether the production of the creature by the First
Being in some way, these men have under taken to derive the reality of
created being, not from nothing - t hey declare such a thing an impossibility
altogether, and rightly so in their incorrect understanding of the state-
m e n t - but from the reality and substance of the First Being. Seen in that
way, the First Cause actually becomes at least a part of the creature , al-
though some of those men still desire all the while to maintain some kind
of meaningful distinction between the Creator and the creature. Llull was
always totally unwilling to compromise in the least the authentic divine
transcendence. For that reason he was quite emphatic in his insistence on
the lack of entitative identity between the First Being and the second
being, between G o d afld the world or anyhirig of the second being, bet-
ween G b d ^ a n d t h e wofld or anything of the world, either totally or par-
t ial ly. 7 4 In the creation of anything, the uncaused, infinite and eternal First
Being brings into being other things that are decidedly finite, contingent
and non-eternal . Regardless of when and how they exist, if they do so at
all, all created beings - a n d this means everything other than G o d - owe
their real being to the uncreated and eternal Being, who as such cannot


7 2 "... et ita multo melius Deus non capit novitatem in sua aeternitate, quamvis creaverit mundum,
qui non erat". Liber de Consolatione Eremitae, ROL I, 100. See also Liber de Ente quod Simpliciter Est
per Se et Propter Se Existens et Agens, d. 3, 3, ROL VIII, 211; and Liber de Forma Dei, ROL VIII, 67.


7 3 Maritain, op, cit., pp. 29-33, 61-63.
74 Disputatio Raymundi Christiani et Hamar Saraceni, p. 2, c. 1, MOG IV, 442 = Int. vii, 12; also


Metaphysica Nova in ROL VI, 10, 20.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 45


be or become created and finite. Literally and in a very real sense, all
finite beings have proceeded from, or come from nothingness, since their
being has ultimately followed after their total non-being. They have done
so therefore, ei ther absolutely when anything other than the Infinite One
began or begins to exist through its creation stricto sensu; or at least in a
relative meaning, since their being still has followed after their non-being,
although admittedly they have been made from, and followed after, anot-
her thing which has in some way turned into them. The Crea tor alone is
singularly and uniquely eternal , absolutely necessary, infinite and posses-
sed of the highest simplicity and actuality of be ing . 7 5 Logically therefore, it
has to be said unhesitatingly, that all things finite, non-eternal , contingent
and composite in their being are , and will always remain, fundamentally
distinct from their ult imate eternal and infinite creative cause. The First
Being on the one hand, and everything else on the other are conse-
quently, infinitely different in their very being: the First Being is eternal
and infinite; all o ther entities are finite and non-eternal . For. that reason,
there can be no possible entitative identification in which the substance of
either becomes literally the essence and substance of the other .


No mat ter therefore , what it does or what is done to it, a creature or
created being cannot in its entitative essence ever become the Creator .
N o r can the eternal Creator on the other hand, be entitatively changed
into that which has been created and is both finite and non-eternal at
once: obviously because to do so, H e would have on the one hand always
been, and on the o ther H e would have begun to exist. A contradiction
would then of course, be given, for the eternal O n e , in order to have be-
gun to be after not being, since supposedly it has beeome a creature ,
would not have been eternally. A strict creation of whatever is not God
rules out al together every kind of monism and of pantheism, no mat ter
how subtly proposed or mitigated. It does so because in all of them, the
clearcut distinction or duality which distinguishes the Crea tor from the
creature , the First Being from all that is the second being, the ultimately
First Efficient Cause from what is in some way a secondary cause and His
effect, is effectively denied or absorbed in the homogeneous unity of the
unique reality of the all-pervading O n e . A properly correct creationist ac-
count therefore, one which aims at explaining satisfactorily and well the
origin of the world, of all that is embraced within the second being, and
this by way of a creation stricto sensu, must on that account also exclude
even the semblance of any form of pantheism, including the subtle form of
pantheism which in history is known as emanat ionism, and even more so
of course, any other kinds of theis.tic evolutionism, wherein the world and


Liber Contemplalionis, bk. 2, c. 30, MOG IX, 260.




46 WALTER W. ARTUS


man are the supreme reality , evolving either eternally or in t ime. More
than once in his writings, Llull made the decided effort to express positi-
vely and clearly his unders tanding of the unequivocai and radical distinc-
tion that obtains between the eternal and infinite Creator and non-eternal
and finite creatures. Thus he noted clearly that the ontological distance
which separates the finite from the infinite is itself infinite or beyond mea-
surement . Not even an infinite addition of the finite to the finite will ever
yield, or result in, the reality of the truly Infinite One . On that basis, one
of the reasons which he readily suggested as to why God cannot create an
eternal world is rooted in the infinite disproportion which obtains between
what is finite and what is truly infinite. As he says himself:


Between the infinite and the finite there is no proport ion at
all. But now, if the Divine Power were to create an eternal
world, then the world would be the means wherein a propor-
tion would be given between the infinite and the f in i te . 7 6


The Infinite stands of course, for none other than the absolutely First
Being, alone both uncreated and eternal. The entire universe, with all that
we may wish and have to include within the designation of the "second
being", is non-eternal , created and finite. Obviously and simply as the se-
cond being that it is, the entire universe, with whatever else might be
thought to exist, is not of itself, per se or a se; ra ther is totally dependent
on the First being who alone is not through another being or ab alio, but
per se and a se.11 Everything comprised within the second being is there-
fore, contingent, non-eternal , finite, imperfect, even defective in several
ways and the entitative result of a basic composition within itself of being
and non-being, of act and potency, of substance and accidents, and pos-
sibly in other ways. In stark and total contrast on the other hand, the
First Being is uncaused, supremely actual, infinitely perfect, e ternal , with-
out any composition of any sort, without accidents, and truly infinite in Its
being and in all of Its perfections. Under such circumstances, how can the
conclusion be avoided that no entitative identity obtains between whatever
constitutes the second being and what is the reality of the First Being?


There is one other way in which Llull makes it quite clear that the
Creator is not , and cannot be , identical within the reality of His being,


"Inter infinitum et finitum est nulla proportio; sed, si divina potestas creasset mundum aeternum,
esset mundus medium, ratione cujus esset proportio inter infinitum et finitum. cxistcnte mundo limitato
in omnibus suis extremitatibus excepta sua infinita duratione". Quaesliones per Artem Demonstrativam
seu Inventivam Sohibiles, q. 30, in MOG IV, 68 = Int. iii, 52.


77 Metaphysica Nova in ROL VI, 20




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 47


even partially, with anything of, or with the whole of, the totality of the
reality of that which he , as noted earlier, at times calls " the second
being". This other way consists in nothing more than a reminder that all
the products of a creation stricto sensu - a n d all things other than God
must be traced ultimately to at least one such creation, immediately or
mediately, because in the case of all of them, taken collectivelly, their ab-
solute non-being came before their being, until at least with the creation
of the world something besides God began to exist- have all been made
or created out of nothing, ex nihilo.18 Precisely as a created being in the
strict sense of the word, no creature has been made from, or produced
out of, and with the substance or entitative reality of Him who is the First
Cause. Had any creature been drawn and made from the very essence and
being of the First Cause , or of any other. reality for that mat ter , then ob-
viously it would not have been created out of nothing. Rather the reality
of the supposedly created being would then have been preceded by, and
been formed out of and with something, with an aliquid, namely the enti-
tative reality of the First Cause. Not only would the being that is simplici-
ter infinite have made itself in some way a finite entity, but also its very
being and substance would then have served and continue to serve as one
or more of the intrinsic causes that preceded first, and then became the
reality of, the second being. The substance of the First Being would then
itself be either a material or a formal cause, or both, of the substance or
reality which is the second being. Llull is most emphat ic and clear in his
repudiation of this type of pantheistic thought . In one of his earliest, im-
pressive and inspiring literary compositions he wrote: "You do not create
the creatures out of your essence. Ra ther you have created them out of
nothing. The reason we know that you have not created any creature out
of yourself i s . . . " 7 9 The words just quoted appear in a chapter of the Book
of Contemplation that has as its title: "How God created creatures out of
no th ing" . 8 0 Moreover , in three ensuing chapters that follow, albeit not in
strict consecutive order , the reader is given the occasion to reflect on how,
also out of nothing, were created a) the original prime matter that subse-
quently became, or was formed into, the substance of the heavens and of
the innumerable species of all the kinds of physical things that are found
on the planet man inhabits, as well as possibly on others; b) the rational
souls of each and every human being at the time of the beginning of the
existence of each one of them; and c) the exclusively spiritual substances


78 Liber Contemplationis, bk. 1, c. 30. MOG IX, 64.
7 9 "Tu non creasti creaturas de tua essencia, sed creasti eas ex nihilo; nam id, per quod nos cognos-


cimus, Te non creavisse creaturas de Te ipso Liber Contemplationis, MOG IX, 63.
8 0 "Quomodo Deus creaverit creaturas ex nihilo". Loc. cit.




48 WALTER W. ARTUS


ordinarily spoken of as "ange ls" . 8 ' Somewhat distinctly, on the other
hand, in four other chap te r s 8 2 inserted between the two chapters that tell
us about the creation of the basic prime matter and of the rational souls
of men, the author outlines the "creat ion" -obviously in a broad or wide
sense - of a) the heavens, b) the four simplest e lements , c) the various
types of minerals, d) the many species or kinds of plants, and e) the many
species of animals, mainly from the standpoint of the physical part of their
being, inclusive the body of man. Since all the various types of entities
envisioned in these four chapters were originally formed, at least in a
good part , not out of simply nothing, but out of the things that had pre-
viously been created, ultimately and more specifically out of the original
basic matter created out of nothing, we must because of that acknowledge
that their creation by God was of the sort that we named earlier "creation
in the wide sense". But of course and as just indicated, the prior thing, or
things, out of which each of these main types of creatures, namely the
heavens, the minerals, the species of plants and animals in their first ins-
tances, was originally created, was not the divine substance or essence but
the prime matter , itself created out of nothing, or the several basic ele-
ments formed with and out of that prime matter . The thought that , in the
creation of anything stricto sensu, neither the whole of the First Being nor
anything that might per impossibile be thought as an entitative element or
part of His being is either transformed into, or passes into and becomes
entitatively, anything of the reality of the created being is made again very
clear by Llull in a later book entitled Liber de Anima Rationali. What he
says there in reply to a question asking "whether the soul is created" ob-
viously holds also in the case of any creation by God. We read:


A seal leaves behind on the wax the similitudes of the real
letters in its essence, without the letters (now) present in the
wax being one with the reality of the letters in the seal. They
are however, the likenesses and the imprints of those letters.
In a like fashion, in creation God stamps His likenesses on
creatures, but not so that creatures are now of the essence of
God. Rather they are His similitudes, and this insofar as they
are able to receive and retain those l ikenessess . 8 3


8 1 cc. 31, 36, 37, MOG IX pp. 66, 75, 77.
8 2 cc. 32-25, MOG IX, pp. 67, 69, 71, 73.
8 3 "Sigillum relinquit in cera similitudines suarum essentialium literarum, quin literae cerae sint de


essentia literarum sigilli, sed sunt similitudes et impressiones illarum literarum; similiter in creatione
Deus imprimit suas similitudines in creaturis, non, quod creaturae sint de essentia Dei, sed sunt similitu-
dines illius, secundum quod ejus similitudines possunt recipere et sustinere". Liber de Anima Rationali,
MOG VI 422 = Int. vii, 8.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION


The comparison of that occurs with, or is given in, a mirror was ad-
ded by Lull to that of the seal and its letters in a book he wrote four
years later. In it the author endeavored anew to explain clearly that no-
thing of the reality of the Creator is changed into, or passes into, what is
the actual substance of the realities which H e admittedly creates. In intro-
ducing the analogy, Llull points out that it is incorrect to think that at
least the divine exemplar , the idea of each creatable thing within the wis-
dom or mind of G o d , enters into or in any way becomes, at least par-
tially, anything of the essence and reality of the created being. With ap-
proval he recalls that the exemplar or idea has of course, existed eternally
within the Supreme Intellect. Because of a divine exemplary idea - a n d
within that same idea, in reality one with the Divine B e i n g - a creature
may also be said to have existed eternally, before its actual objective pro-
duction and projection into the realm of extramental reality. But of course
until its creat ion, the creature only has a cognitional being within a divine
idea of it. Unti l its creation, it does not exist on its own at all. In any
case, since God ' s knowledge and ideas are eternally one with God ' s essen-
ce, the eternal divine idea of each thing does not at all become either an
intrinsic partial principle or the whole of the reality of any created being.
This is how Llull expresses his non-pantheistic understanding of creation in
the later book:


The image or figure which appears on a mirror is present in
that mirror which receives that image from outside, without
yielding anything of its own reality and na ture ; much like a
seal which passes onto the wax its own characters , yet placing
outside of itself nothing of its reality. H e likewise asserted
that the world and its parts have been from all eternity within
the divine intellect by means of one or more ideas, without
the divine intellect placing outside of itself anything of its
own reality and na ture , nor of the being of its at tr ibutes.
Hence , when God created the world, H e placed, outside of
Himself nothing of the being of the idea. For had he done so,
the idea would have been al tered, and would not have been
e t e rna l . 8 4


8 4 "Imago vel figura, quae apparet in speculo, est in speculo, quod ab extra recipit illam imaginem
nihil extra mittendo de sua essentia et natura; sicut sigillum, quod in ceram transmittit suum characte-
rem nihil extra mittendo de esse suae essentiae: item dixit, quod mundus et partes ejus ab aeterno
fuerint in intellectu divino per ideam vel ideas, intellectu divino nihil extra mittente de sua essentia et
natura, nec de esse essentiae suorum attributorum: unde quando Deus creavit mundum, nihil de esse
ideae in creando extra se misit; quia si transmisisset, idea esset alterata, et non aeterna; quod est impos-
sibile, cum idea sit Deus". Disputatio Eremitae, bk. 2, c. 37, MOG IV, 259 = Int. iv, 35.




50 WALTER W. ARTUS


The last two quotat ions show clearly that , according to Llull, to enter-
tain the thought that the divine reality in some way passes or changes in-
to , and consequently becomes, at least in par t , somet of the world and
man , is to think that one can do away with, and discard al together, the
entitatively real distance and ontological difference that obtain between
two orders of being infinitely diverse: that of the First Being who is infini-
te , eternal , immutable , altogether uncaused and pure actuality on the one
hand; and on the other , that of everything else which of necessity is finite,
non-eternal , mutable , caused and which has in different degrees composi-
tion of potency and act, and of being and non-being, because drawn from
sheer nothingness at the moment of its first creation. By removing and
doing away with the ontological gap and distinction between the eternal
and the non-eternal , between the infinite and the finite, between the crea-
tive uncaused cause and the created effect, a person is effectively reducing
one to the other within his thought , so that in a resultant radical identity
one has no longer two infinitely distinct orders of being, but only one .
Obviously, in the end this reduction and identification yield nothing more
than some kind of monism and pantheism, totally at odds , not to say to-
tally incompatible, with the conception of the First Being, correctly defen-
ded within classical theism and monotheism of traditionally or thodox
Christian thinkers. It is within the ranks of these or thodox Christian thin-
kers that we discover the rather delightful figure of the Majorcan philo-
sopher, in spite of occasional strong attacks on his orthodoxy by a few of
his detractors , down through the centuries since near the end of the four-
teenth century.


Men who unders tand the creation of the world in a strict sense and
therefore, ex nihilo, must also hold of necessity that until the creation of
the first things o ther than God , until the creation and first appearance of
anything compris.ed within the second being which we name ordinarily the
"universe" of finite being, until and before that creation only the First
Being was or existed, eternally of course, and not in t ime, which only be-
gan at the start of the existence of beings subject to change, in any of its
various possible forms. Consequently, eternally and until the first moment
that came with the creation of beings not God , nothing distinct from and
outside of the First Being existed; nothing that might have been used as a
material cause, in order to make with it, and out of it, the things that
became the world or any other created entity, within or outside of it. Out-
side of God and before the original instant of creation, there was simply
nothing that could have been changed into, and that could thereby have
become, a principle or the substance of any creature. W e saw above also
that the divine substance or essence cannot itself ever become anything of
the reality, or one of the intrinsic principles, either material or formal,




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 51


which are or constitute what is comprised within the second being, within
the totality of things other than the creative First Cause , i.e. the universe
of created being. As far as the material or physical world with all the
physical substances or bodies on it - including human bod ies - is concerned,
there was no pre-existent matter or material , no material cause or causes
that might have been utilized by the Creator towards and in the creation
of the individual things that made up that world originally. The material
cause, or mat ter , and whatever other intrinsic principles lie at the roots
and heart of anything with an objective reality in the physical world, both
in the order of substantial and of accidental being, had to receive their
being totally and for the first t ime at creation, for they themselves began
to exist only when things other than God first began. The so-called prime
mat ter of the philosophers, the most elemental or basic underlying subject
that is present in and becomes all the natural bodies of the world through
successive substancial changes, had to be created, perhaps bet ter had to
be concreated, with the first physical things created when the world itself
was first c r ea t ed . 8 5 It had to be created stricto sensu, or concreated with
those first things, because absolutely nothing, without excluding the prime
mat ter out of which all physical things of the world are entitatively consti-
tude , had any objective reality, outside of and besides the First Being;
certainly not until the first creation of any of the entities that collectively
constitute the physical world and are therefore comprised within the se-
cond being. Admit tedly, it is far from an easy mat ter to unders tand how
the fact of creation stricto sensu is possible, as demonstra ted historically by
the failure of so many first rate philosophers to recognize it. None of
them apparently could even imagine that anything, including the material
principles that enter into the entitative constitution of anything physical in
the world, could possibly be made out of simply nothing ex nihilo, and not
ex aliquo or out of something else. Undoubtedly , as noted earlier, "crea-
t ion", strictly taken , names more than just an extraordinary production
and type of making things rarely experienced in the normal course of
events in nature and the world. It is actually a supernatural work which
calls for powers beyond those possessed by nature and man , indeed by
any finite entity. Indubitably, because creation, strictly taken, is so much
more than and so different from, anything that finite beings might be able
to accomplish, ancient philosophers in general and some recent ones - ig-
norant of, or unwilling to accept, the authoritat ive truth of Sacred Scrip-
t u r e - were incapable of even suspecting the creation of the world ex nihi-
lo. Indeed in many cases, they denied it, at least implicitly, by their expli-
cit acceptance of the necessary and eternal existence of the world, of its
mat ter and of its mot ions , as did Aristotle. U p to the present day, many
of those who still reject the creation of the world stricto sensu frequently


85 Liber Contemplationis, bk. 2, c. 31, MOG IX, 66.




52 WALTER W. ARTUS


defend their stand with the old assertions that "from nothing nothing ever
came" and that "out of nothing simply nothing c o m e s " . 8 6 A n d indeed, un-
less properly unders tood, it must be admitted that those assertions appear
prima facia undeniable . One or two clarifications are in order if we are to
unders tand them properly. Otherwise they may seem unanswerable objec-
tions to a rational understanding of the possibility of creation. R a m o n
Llull, for example, conscious and keenly unaware of the fact that the ob-
jection had already been raised in ancient t imes, tried to dispose of it by
immediately noting that we must stop thinking of "noth ing" as if nothing
were some kind of thing, as if it were something. Nothing clearly is not
something. Ra ther it is the total absence of anything that has any positive
reality or being. Precisely because it is not anything at all, obviously what
is really signified by "nothing" cannot be made use of as if it were an
instrument or a material of some sort with which and out of which one
might make some one thing. We must therefore, make the effort to avoid
thinking of "nothing" as if it were a "something" , as if it were named by
an "i t" in which "it" stands for a positive principle or reality, out of which
and with which the world might have been created, as with a material of
some sort. In this regard Llull counsels that we refrain from taking "no-
thing" materialiter, because nothing is not something that can function or
act as a material cause or as any other cause. T h e objection implied in the
above assertions seems to suggest this type of thinking and rightly notes
that "nothing" cannot be used in order to make something, either with in
or out of it. For the same basic reason, neither can "nothing" itself be
turned into something by whatever sort of change one may choose. But
little thought is actually needed to realize that it is a total misconception
to deal with "nothing" as if it were something, as it were at least a mate-
rial cause of some sort. In Llull's last expressly anti-Averroistic writing be-
fore he left Paris, the scene of the early fourteenth century bir th, or resur-
gence, of the Latin Averroist movement , we come across these words:


To the third reason that asserts that "out of nothing nothing
is m a d e " this must be answered: materially (yes), because
then nothing would already be something. But a Catholic says
that what is (thus) made was (before) neither in potency nor
in ac t . 8 7


These maxims hold for any natural production by finitc beings. Llull shows he takes them se-
riously with "Natural Proverbs" he proposes in Liber Proverbiorum, p. 2, c. 1. MOG VI, 325 = Int. vi,
43.


8 7 "Ad tertiam quod de nihilo nihil fit, respondendum est: Matcrialiter, quia iam nihil esset aliquid.
Sed Catholicus dicit, quod fit, quod non erat in potentia nec in actu". Lib. de Ente, d. 4, 3 in ROL
VIII, 211.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 53


If we are going to think and speak of creation correctly, we must
make the conscious effort therefore, to keep always in mind that "not-
hing" does not stand for anything positively real at all. The fact that "not-
hing" neither is nor contains anything positive at all in any meaningful
way, that it is not a positive reality and that therefore, it does not have
any being of its own at all, not even potentially, is what renders creation
stricto sensu so radically different from any other instance and kind of ma-
king whereof men can have experience in the world. The total negative
character of "nothing" provides probably one of the strongest reasons, as
suggested by the above cited nearly axiomatic assertions, that explain in
good measure the ignorance, and even denial , of the creation of the world
by God ex nihilo by so many otherwise capable thinkers. Almost certainly,
it was the consciousness of this sad fact that caused Llull to expand a little
m o r e , in another of his writings, on the thought which he later expressed
in the reply to the objection by Averroes quoted last. In the book inten-
ded by the author as the last and definitive version of his famous Ar t , the
Ars Generalis Ultima, he had earlier written:


It is stated furthermore in philosophy that from nothing no-
thing is made . In order to explain this authority. . . we explain
that nothing is not a principle. For were it such, then nothing
would already be something. Again. . . nothing is not the mat-
ter for (making) something, for if out of it something could
be made , it already would be something. Again. . . if it were
subject to anything, it would also be something. . . nor can
nothing be a means , for it were one , then it would already be
something. . . we understand that nothing cannot be either a
material , or a formal, or an efficient or a final cause. Nor can
it be endowed with any power at all. For if it were , then it
would be someth ing . 8 8


This s ta tement by the philosopher, as well as the shorter one cited
before, establishes beyond doubt that he was aware of the care that is
called for in order to understand first, and secondly to dispose properly of
the difficulties that our intellect may appear to encounter when faced with
the t ruth of the creation of the world. These difficulties, as well as the


" s "Ulterius legitur in philosophia. quod de nihilo nihil fit. Ad exponendum autoritatem istam...
exponimus... quod nihil non est principium; quia si sic, jam nihil, aliquid esset. Item..., quod nihil non
est materia ad aliquid. Hoc idem intelligitur...; si enim nihil esset subditum alicui. aliquid quidem es-
set... nec nihil medium habere potest, quia si haberet, jam esset aliquid... intelligimus quod nihil non
potest esse causa materialis. formalis, efficiens, nec finalis. atque de nulla potestatc habituatum; quia si
esset, jam sequerctur quod esset aliquid". Ars Generalis, P. 7, c. 5, ed. cit. pp. 99-100.




54 WALTER W. ARTUS


objections raised by some men on account of them, are in a great measure
due to a simple fact, namely that it is not easy to grasp with our under-
standing how any efficient cause can possibly bring it about that something
be made or produced without a prior substance or principle that is utilized
and changed, in order to make or create the new thing. Llull realized
rather well that the rational grasp of the truth of the total creation of
anything, of creation stricto sensu, strains the powers of the intellect to its
limits. As a cognitive power, the intellect finds itself at home with that
which in some way is, with that which possesses being, with being which,
as realist philosophers maintain, is the adequate object of the intellect as a
supra-sensory cognitive power. Consequently, we are able to unders tand
to some degree at least, we can intellectually know at least a little, only
that which shares in being in some way or measure , for only if something
is can it be presented and given as an object to our intellect. What is
literally "nothing," as said earlier, is not anything at all. It does not, the-
refore, provide our power of understanding with anything that it is able to
understand and know at all. If we speak, and therefore appear to think,
of "nothing" it is be.cause, aided by that word, we at tempt to think and to
speak of the total removal and absence of whatever is something as best
we can. Tha t we do so the etymology of the word used in English (and
possibly in other languages) plainly suggests. W e might say that in a sense,
in our thoughts and language, we turn nothing into something. If we keep
such things in mind, we can bet ter understand that to think of creation as
the production or the making of something out of nothing is not the
easiest thought for the human intellect to grasp, clearly because we have a
transition from the previous total non-being or nothingness of a thing to
its being. As a result of his early at tempts to wrestle with the problem of
the creat ion of the world Llull wrote in one of his earliest literary compo-
sitions:


But as to the manner how God makes a thing to be out of
nothing, the human intellect cannot unders tand it in a created
object. D o you know why? Because the intellect understands
nothing in what is nothing. And because the intellect cannot
unders tand how a thing can be made out of that in which it
understands nothing, for that reason you cannot unders tand it
in that in which you understand no th ing . 8 9


8 9 "Modum tamen, quomodo Deus ex nihilo producat aliquid, humanus intellectus non potest inte-
lligere; et scis, quare? Quia in nihilo non potest intellectus aliquid intelligere; et quia intellectus non
potest intelligere, quomodo ex hoc fiat aliquid, in que nihil potest intelligere, ideo non potes intelligere
in eo, in quo nihil intelligis". Liber de Gentili, bk. 2, art 2, MOG II, 48 = Int. ii, 28.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 55


Whatever difficulties the human mind meets with in its endeavors to
know, and unders tand at least a little, the truth regarding the creation of
the world out of nothing can be more than adequately resolved, if only
one has recourse to and is mindful of the infinity of the Creator ' s power.
Nothing less than an infinite power is both necessary and sufficient to
bridge the immeasurable and practically infinite gap that separates total
nothingness from the realm of be ing . 9 0 Only an infinite reality possessed
of an absolutely infinite and ordered active p o w e r 9 1 can efficiently cause
something to be which up to its creation is simply nothing in itself, be-
cause totally devoid of any kind of objective being. In order to effect the
transition from total non-being to being (and this is the character and
meaning of creation stricto sensu), it is therefore, required that the Crea-
tor be possessed of an infinite power. It is of course, an obviously unde-
niable fact that the powers man finds himself in possession of, as well as
all the powers he knows belong to the remainder of things that populate
the universe at large, are finite, all of them, simply because they are part
of the natural equipment possessed by entities, finite both in being and in
na ture . Experience and observations confirm the fact that both men and
other natural agents found in the world are endowed with the necessary
effective, or efficient, power to bring other things into being, even for the
first t ime, since frequently these new things cannot reasonably be thought
to have existed before, except perhaps as an idea in somebody's intellect
or mind. It is fact that thus are produced new substances, animate and
inanimate, which as new make their first appearance in the world, either
as a result of biological reproductions or through the occurrence of some
other kind of truly substantial change. These instances, as well as all those
which occur ordinarily and extraordinarily in na ture , wherein a new reality
or substance begins to be after its previous non-existence individually, are
instances of creations, but only in a wide sense. It must be said so, becau-
se we cannot in any of those numerous instances say that the new substan-
ces came from simply out of nothing. The experienced and undeniable po-
wer of efficiently causing new entities which all natural agents, including
man , possess can only be exercised or be put to work if an antecedently
existing thing is given, which the efficient cause can turn into, or make
into , the new thing. The previously existing thing has to be changed, even
destroyed or corrupted, in order to be formed into the new thing. With
the exception of thinkers inclined towards occasionalism, no thinker who
recognizes the objectivity of the world of extramental reality, about which


"Et quia esse et non esse habent distantiam infinitam..." Ars Consilii, d. 3, ROL II, 226.
" The title of one of Llulfs opuscula written at Messina less than three years before his death is


Liber de Infmila el Ordinala Poleslate. With other Opera Messaniensia, it has been critically edited by
Johannes Stohr in ROL I, 237-62.




56 WALTER W. ARTUS


we know normally and mainly with our senses, will want to challenge the
t ruth that both men and other natural agents, about which we know from
experience, can be and frequently are authentic efficient causes. These
agents therefore, have the power to produce , to make and to create so-
mething new, something that was previously non-existent, but always ex
aliquo, always out of some previous thing or materials. The natural agents
or efficient causes of the world act on those materials or things, and they
change them either substantially or accidentally. In every instance of a
production by these natural agents and causes a prior subject, substance
or material is given and it functions as in the role of a material cause out
of which the efficient cause brings the new thing. It is undoubtedly , in
ways much as this that natural agents in the world are said to create . Ob-
viously they do so only in a wide sense, since in every instance in which
they create they do so only through changing some old or prior material
or thing and by forming it into the new th ing . 9 2 N o natural agent howe-
ver, without the exclusion of man, has been observed or known, indeed
has the power , to create stricto sensu, to bring something into being totally
and simpliciter from out of its previous total nothingness or non-being. It
is perhaps partially on account of this unexperienced, indeed non-expe-
rientiable, character of strict creations, particularly if added to the very
real difficulty which the human mind experiences in trying to grasp somet-
hing in what is nothing, as noted earlier, that so many philosophers -many
of them totally ignorant and oblivious of the teaching of creation from re-
ligious sources originally, we k n o w - have remained unaware and someti-
mes have denied outright the very possibility of creation stricto sensu. We
cannot but agree, as a mat ter of fact, that such a creation is an impossibi-
lity from the standpoint of purely natural agents, possessed only of finite
powers because of their finite na tu res 9 3 . We have already indicate that no
finite being has the necessary and sufficient power to bring something into
being out of and from absolutely total nothingness, simply because it takes
an infinitely great deal more than finite powers to effect the transition
from non-being into being. If we must admit that we have not had, and
cannot have, any experience at all of any creations stricto sensu, it has to
be obviously because our experiences are only of finite natural agents.
Precisely because they are finite, all natural and human agents lack the
necessary infinite power to create in that strict sense. Indeed were God
also no more than the highest conceivable finite being with the highest
finite power, we would have to declare that H e also cannot bring about a
single creation stricto sensu. Such a creation would then have to


'- All of this was explained earlier in the first part of this paper. See note 11 above.
13 Liber proverbiorum, bk. 2, c. 1, MOG VI, 325 = Int. vi, 43.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 57


be declared a total impossibility because of the non-existence of an Infini-
te Being endowed with infinite power. It is a fact of course that a number
of people , including philosophers in our t imes, will not admit of any deity
except it be a finite one . Such men appear unable or unwilling to conceive
of anything except of what is finite. For that reason since they cannot re-
cognize G o d except in finite terms, they have also to deny perforce the
creation of the world ex nihilo. Theirs is not of course, the correct unders-
tanding of God , at least certainly not according to classical theism. But if
such men , or any man for that mat te r , are to ascend with their minds to
the recognition of a First Cause , infinite both in being and in power , so-
mething else is probably needed because presupposed, namely that they
be willing to admit that human knowledge is not simply a matter of sheer
sense experience and the imagination exclusively. Within the scale of re-
ality man in superior to the brute animals in part because with his rational
knowledge he can ascend to some knowledge of the purely intelligible.
The intimate connection between the recognition of man's genuine intel-
lectual cognitive power on the one hand and the capacity to think of a
reality that is infinite on the other , was insisted on by Llull against the
early fourteenth century Latin followers of Averroes at Paris. Since they
remained Christians, those Latin Averroists professed to accept, in virtue
of their faith, the truth of God ' s infinite being and power. But as philo-
sophers using their reason, they wished to reiterate Averroes ' contention
that , according to sound rational philosophy, which both he and they prac-
tically identified with Aristotle 's thought , we cannot but declare that the
First Being is a finite being, endowed with extremely limited powers , if
any, to effect anything outside of His own reality. Strongly opposing
them, Llull addressed them in this fashion:


Because you do not extend your knowledge beyond the sen-
ses and the imagination, which are limited powers , you are
really incapable of thinking of any infinite object . . . And con-
sequently, you place your intellect under constraint . . . and
consider God finite in His goodness, grandeur, power and His
other at t r ibutes. . . Let such a small god, defective in all of his
rationes be yours and not mine, because he is not sufficient
for me. I have another G o d . 9 4


"Quoniam tu Averroista. non extendis tuam scientiam extra sensum et imaginationem, quae sunt
potentiae finitae, objectare non posses objecta infinita realiter,... et sic ligas intellectum tuum. ut non
transeat super sensum et imaginationem, et consideras Deum finitum quoad suam bonitatem, magnitudi-
nem, potestatem, et etiam quoad alia principia... Talis autem Deus ita parvus, defectivus per omnes
suas rationes sit tuus; meus autem non; quia non esset mihi sufficiens, quoniam alium Deum habeo,
quem intelligo super sensum et imaginationem". Disputatio Raimundi el Averroislae, 3, ed. Hermogenes
Harada in ROL VII, 13.




58 WALTER W. ARTUS


According to the Majorcan philosopher, to conceive God as a finite
entity, with simply nothing more than limited perfections and powers , is
simply to think of a god that is unreal and no more than a mathematical
abstraction. Certainly, such a mathematically abstract god is quite different
from the God affirmed by an authentic monotheism. Of any supposedly
finite divinities, Llull would not hesitate to declare:


Such a god we shall not call God, except possibly a mathema-
tical one . A n d in him we do not believe, because he does not
exist, and no one is obliged to believe in him, since he per-
forms not one single good thing. Instead he rather allows all
sort of evil things to occur . 9 5


So crucial and important is, within Llull's thought , the acceptance of
God ' s infinite being and power for the correct understanding of the crea-
tion of the world and of the t ruths linked intimately with God , that he
devoted two of his treatises against Averroism to a presentat ion and de-
fense first, of God 's infinite reality and secondly, of God ' s infinite power.
As he composed those two books , as well as the rest of his other anti-
Averroistic treatises, Llull was fully aware that his contemporary followers
of the famous Arabian commenta tor of Aristotle had, following the lead
of their master of more than a century earlier, resurrected amongst other
things the ancient Aristotelian and non-Christian idea of an eternal and
uncreated universe. Llull's Averroist contemporaries claimed to do so phi-
losophically and under the leadership of Averroes , they denied, more une-
quivocally than Aristotle did in his extant writings of seventeen centuries
earlier, that it can be rationally demonstrated that the divine power is infi-
nite and that God is the First efficient cause of the wor ld . 9 6 Indubitably,
with these Averroistic ideas and denials much in his mind, Llull outlined
his understanding of a) the existence of an Infinite Being in his Liber de
Ente Infinito97 and b) of the limitless active power that belongs to that
Infinite Being in the book entitled Liber de Possibili et Impossibili.98 So
much importance did Llull assign to the question of God ' s infinite power
that he re turned to it at some relative length in most of the twenty-nine
extant anti-Averroistic opuscula, written during the two years of his last


9 5 "Talem autem Deum dicemus non esse Deum, nisi forte mathematicum; et in talem non credi-
mus, quia non est, neque aliquis debet credere, cum nihil boni faciat et cuncta mala sustineat". Liber in
quo Declaratur, quod Fides Sancta Catholica est Magis Probabilis quum Improbabilis, prol., ed. Helmut
Riedlinger in ROL VI, 337.


9 6 Riedlinger, op. cit. in ROL V, 33.
9 7 Ed. by Helmut Riedlinger in ROL VI, 93-115.
9 8 Ed. by Helmut Riedlinger also in ROL VI, 383-466.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 59


sojourn at Paris, immediately after he became aware of the recent rise, or
resurgence, of the Latin Averroism. Unlike the Averroists whom he
strongly opposed in the late years of his rich and active life, Llull accepted
and always took into account earnestly the infinity of God 's being and
power , from the start of his philosophical and literary career. As a conse-
quence , he was soon able within his own mind to surmount apparent diffi-
culties and to achieve an adequately rational understanding of the truth of
the creation of the world, which he had previously and sincerely accepted
on the basis of his Christian faith. Soon he came also to the realization
that what , in most cases, ultimately prevented philosophers from accepting
the same truth was their ignorance, and possibly denial, of the infinity of
the divine power. Accordingly he wrote in an early book:


But because the philosophers did not have a perfect knowled-
ge of the divine power, wisdom, will and other perfections,
and because they saw that the heavens and the heavenly bo-
dies are incorruptible, on account of these reason they were
of the opinion that they are eternal , without beginning or
end. For the same reason also they denied c r e a t i o n . "


He also realized at the same time on the other hand, that a correct
understanding of the divine at tr ibutes, one of them the divine power, ena-
bled theists generally to recognize at least the possibility of creation. On
that vein he added to the words just quoted:


But in the perfect divine will, endowed with perfect power
and perfect wisdom, it is possible to understand that God can
create something out of nothing, since His will can so will,
and His power so make it, and His wisdom likewise knows
how to ma-ke i t . 1 0 0


Nothing is given either presently in existence or that may possibly be
some day, nothing either in a state of actuality or a state of potentiality,
which is now or can ever be capable of preventing or effectively obstruc-
ting the exercise of the infinite power of the Supreme Being. The reason


9 9 "Veruntamen quia philosophi non habuerunt perfectam notitiam divinae potestatis, voluntatis et
sapientiae, nec earum perfectionis, et viderunt, quod firmamentum et corpora caelestia sint incorruptibi-
lia, igitur opinati sunt, quod ea sint aeterna et sine principio et fine; et ideo moti fuerunt ad negandam
creationem, omnium rerum procedentium a Deo". Liber de Genlili, b. 2, c. 2, MOG II, 48 = Int. ii, 28.


1 0 0 "Veruntamen in perfecta voluntate divina, quae habet perfectam potestatem et sapientiam, potes
intelligere, Deum posse creare aliquid ex nihilo; ex quo sua voluntas potest illud velle, et sua potestas
potest facere, et sua scientia scit illut facere et creare". Loc. cil.




60 WALTER W. ARTUS


of course, is simply that things which are not God , whether real or only
possible, whether actual or potential , are all finite in their being and con-
sequently, in their power also. Obviously, beings possessed, singly and co-
llectively, of powers that are only finite cannot prove much of an obstacle
to Him who is absolute power and wisdom. Now if nothing finite - b u t
which is at least something in some w a y - exists or can ever exist which is
capable of preventing the infinite First Being from bringing about and ac-
complishing whatever his boundless wisdom may dictate, how can that
which theoretically is absolutely nothing at all and therefore has and can
have no powers at all, not even the power of the least and most insignifi-
cant finite being, whatever it may be. Obviously "nothing" does not have
the least of p o w e r s 1 0 1 or of anything wherewith it might obstruct or impe-
de the creative designs and power of Him who is absolutely infinite, both
in being and in perfection. On that account, in a book written on African
soil, not more than a few months before his death which apparently resul-
ted both from advanced age and physical mal t reatment received in return
for an outspoken defense of the Christian faith, Ramon Llull was able to
argue that if God did not have the power to create things out of nothing,
then all things must have been in some way eternal , either in actuality or
at least in a condition of potentiality, through some eternal subject, or
subjects, able to be changed into them. Only in that case however, with
all of His infinite perfections, among them a perfect goodness, magni tude,
eternity and power , God still cannot create a single thing out of nothing,
He cannot create an aliquid ex nihilo. Moreover , if the First Being does
not have the power to create ex nihilo, we then have no choice but to
declare that "His power, which is said to be infinite, is impeded by a
power which is n o t h i n g " . 1 0 2 But this is manifestly an impossibility, Llull
will remind us immediately, as he had done a little earlier against Aver-
roes. The Arabian Commenta tor , as understood by Llull, had held a cen-
tury earlier that God lacks the power to create anything out of nothing,
noting at the same time that only what is neither in act nor in potency is
simply nothing. God however, can create out of that which was previously
in some way, either in act or in potency. What is 'nothing' escapes God ' s
power, simply because it is nothing, either actually or potentially. With
this in mind, Llull wrote: "But to this it must be replied that the divine
power for the reason that it is absolute, extends to all three te rms. . .


"" 'intelligimus quod nihil... de nulla potestate potest esse habituatum; quia si esset, jam sequere-
tur quod esset aliquid". Ars Generalis, 7, c. 5, ed. cil. p. 100.


1 0 2 "Si omne potens est aeternum in potentia vel actu, Deus cum sua potestatc infinita, creare rem
de nihilo iam non potest. Et potestas, quae est et dicitur infinita, est impedita potestate, quae nihil est;
quod est impossibile." Liber de Deo et Suis Propriis Qualitatibus Infinitis, ROL II, 285.




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 61


three terms being a) what is in act, b) what is in potency and c) what is
n o t h i n g ) . " 1 0 3


In concert with classical theism, Llull insists on the infinity of power
characteristic of a Infinite Being. It is because of it that H e can create
stricto sensu. For the same reason, the First being stands in no need of
anything or of anyone apart from Himself in order to be able to exercise
His power to create . Unlike all other efficient causes which are finite and
hence only have a finite power, the First Cause is in absolutely no need of
any prior materials on which to work, or of any instruments and collabo-
rators with which to work , in order to effectively create. Indeed before
the first creation of anything outside the First Cause , there existed no ma-
terials, no instruments or any other agents on which the First Cause might
have relied and which might have served in any of the capacities indica-
ted, as it w e r e 1 0 4 . That is precisely why in initial creation of anything that
was not G o d , in the creation of what we ordinarily speak of as the
"world" and of any purely spiritual beings, their creation had to be ex
nihilo. With this thought before his mind Llull reasoned that there are two
basically distinct ways in which God can make and act on things. Correctly
he argued that G o d


can act on creatures in either of two ways: immediately or
mediately. . . Immediately, when He brings forth a creature
out of non-being into being. Mediately, when through one
creature H e conserves another , as for example when God
through the motion of the heavens, itself a creature , conser-
ves the motion of the elements and of the things possessed of
an elemental na ture , which are also creatures . . . Whence one
thing is creation and another conse rva t ion . 1 0 5


Always conscious of the extent of God ' s infinite power , Llull had no
difficulty in concluding that the divine goodness, truly one in being with
the power and other infinite perfections of the Supreme Being, "is both
subjectively and objectively the ordinative and formative cause of all good


i(D -Averrois autem negavit, quod Deus non potest de nihilo aliquid; et consideravit, quod illud.
quod non est in actu nec in potentia, est nihil.- Sed ad hoc respondendum est, quod divina potestas,
per hoc quod est absoluta, ambit omnes tres terminos..." Sermones Contra Errores Averrois, ROL VII,
254.


m Liber Contemplationis, bk. 2, c. 30, MOG IX, 64.
1 0 5 "Deus agit in creaturis duobus modis, immediate et mediate...; immediate, quando producit


creaturam de non esse in esse; mediate, quando cum una creatura conservat aliam; sicus Deus, qui cum
motu coeli, qui est creatura. conservat motum elementorum et elementatorum, quae etiam sunt creatu-
rae... unde... unum est creatio, et aliud conservatio". Disputatio Eremitae et Raymundi, q. 38, MOG
IV, 260 = Int. iv, 36.




62 WALTER W. ARTUS


things. Subjectively, this entails creation, i.e. the making of something
that was not either in act or in potency out of n o t h i n g " . 1 0 6 Since, as noted
a few lines before, the First Being has the power to act directly and im-
mediately on creatures , and since, moreover , His power is absolutely infi-
nite, it can be readily understood how in a strict creation, although not
exclusively necessarily, the influence and effects of His efficiently causal
actions are received immediately from Him by the creatures H e creates,
without the need of any intermediary agents and efficient causes. This
need of intermediate causes was again taught at Paris in the early four-
teenth century by Averroists , obviously under the influence of Neo-Plato-
nic Arabian philosophy. At the start of a book intended to show, against
Averroes and others , that God is the immediate efficient cause of the
world, and not simply its final cause as proposed by Aristotle and his Ara-
bian Commenta to r , Llull declared in terms that leave no doubt as to his
own thought: " G o d is the efficient cause, and the entire universe is His
ef fec t" . 1 0 7 By reason of a - crea t ion strictly unders tood, God is the imme-
diate efficient cause of the total substance and reality of any entity He
might have chosen to create. Any creature that is truly such because it has
been created stricto sensu, whether it be a spiritual substance, as an angel
or a rational soul, or the material things at the beginning of the world
with mat ter itself, had to be produced totally and immediately by the First
Efficient Cause who alone has the power to create out of nothing, as
shown above. Only if an entity is created stricto sensu, is it then created
out of nothing, totally and immediately by the First Being. After stating
that God is truly the efficient cause of the whole universe, Llull further
explains that only in that fashion could God have been truly the First
Cause. What he then says about the angel, he applies to the other princi-
pal parts of the universe in the ensuing pages of the book establishing
God ' s efficient causality vis-a-vis the world. About the angel he says:


A n d it is said that it was entirely made because it was made
out of nothing, which is not something in act or something in
potency. Whatever has been made out of something that was
before either in act or potency, h a s n o t been made simpliciter
but only secundum quid on the supposition that a being in act
or in potency has existed eternally. Nor would H e then be
the absolutely First Cause and End. And that is imposs ib le . 1 0 8


1 0 6 "Probatum est... quod divina bonitas est causa ordinativa et formativa subjective et objective
omnium aliarum bonitatum. Subjective autem importat creationem, hoc est facere aliquid de nihilo.
quod non erat, neque in potentia, neque in actu"; Liber de Forma Dei, d. 2, in ROL VIII, 59.


1 0 7 "Raimundista dicebat, quod Deus est efficiens, et totum universum est effectus eius". Liber de
Efficiente et Effectu, prol., ed. Hermogenes Harada in ROL VII, 274.


108 c o n s e q u e n t i a m istius sequitur, quod angelus sit totus factus sive creatus de nihilo, et quod




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 63


A point defended with almost complete unanimity by Christian thin-
kers who have reflected on the creation of the world is the further thought
of the unconditionally free character of creation, and of any creat ion, on
the part of the First C a u s e . 1 0 9 Accordingly, most of them have rejected
outright the slightest indication which may suggest without qualifications
the presence at creation of any determining necessity whereby God ' s total
freedom and perfect t ranscendence would be compromised. Any kind of
meaningful absolute necessity to create would cast doubts about the total
ofherness and the perfect self-sufficiency in goodness of the eternal and
infinite First Being. A supremely perfect being, a Being who therefore,
possesses the perfection of being and every other perfection in their high-
est possible superlative degree , i.e. to infinity, the First Being neither
lacks anything nor can add anything to His nature that might in the least
enhance it or improve it. Were the First Being in need of the least possi-
ble thing, He would then not be the eternally immutable and infinitely
perfect being. In possession in perfect simplicity of every possible perfec-
tion in their highest possible degree, which as just said is no different than
to infinity, God requires or needs absolutely nothing in order to be fully
and eternally what He is. Therefore , there is nothing, and there has been
nothing, outside of Him that can require or compel Him to create one
single thing outside of, or apart from, the reality of His own being. Such
being the case, if eternally the First Being chose to create the world, H e
did so simply because he has willed to do so in absolute freedom, because
in His over-abundantly generous goodness His perfect will freely inclined
Him to bestow existence and other perfections on other entities besides
Himself, according to the designs of His perfect wisdom and love.


In addition to the more or less obvious reasons which convincingly
show God ' s absolute and total freedom vis-a-vis all that eternally He has
chosen to create ad extra, the Majorcan philosopher was fond of insisting
on another factor which is singularly suggestive of his rather original way
of understanding the active character of the nature of the First Being and
of his unique way of expressing that active na ture . From the start of his
literary activity, Llull's concept of the First Being encourages us to think
of a Divine Being who is infinitely and immanently dynamic, active and
productive, all within the interior of God ' s infinite nature and reality. If
God is the supremely Perfect Being who stands in need of nothing which
He must perforce create outside of His perfect Being, it is largely due to


Dcus sit efficiens... Et dicitur, quod est totus factus, quia de nihilo, quod non est aliquid in actu neque
in potentia, factus est. Quod autcm factum est de aliquo, quod erat in actu vel in potentia, non simplici-
ter factum est, sed secundum quid, posito quod ens in actu sive in potentia esset aeternum; neque per
conscquens Deus esset totus efficiens, sed secundum quid; neque esset absolute prima causa, neque
finis. Quod est impossibile". Liber de Efficienle in ROL VII, 275.


1 0 9 Owens, op. cit., pp. 99-100.




64 WALTER W. ARTUS


the eternal and perfect self-sufficiency of His being, totally fulfilled becau-
se of its infinitely active and productive life within the entitative interior of
the First Cause. In virtue ot the infinity of the Divine Essence, both the
eternally active source and the term or perfect completion of the ad intra
activities within It are given in perfect immanence , all within the interior
of the Divine Essence, without any separation and multiplicity to mar the
absolute simplicity of Its being. Therein we find a higher sign of the per-
fect and total self-sufficiency of the reality of the Supreme Being, because
as a result of, and from the standpoint of, an infinitely active and produc-
tive nature that measures up perfectly, as it were , to the exigencies and
possibilities of the divine essence, the First Being does not have any need
at all of any productions ad extra. The only absolutely necessary activity
and production required to satisfy and fulfill perfectly the infinite possibili-
ties of the divine essence, as it were , are perfectly given within the inte-
rior of the First Being in an eternal and infinite production ad intra.uo


This eternal active production within the very essence of the Divine Re-
ality does not result in the creation of something that heretofore did not
have any real being and is added as something new. Nothing is made or
produced that was not in existence before. There is no question of any-
thing efficiently caused either within or without the divine essence, simply
because nothing is made to be that had no being before. Nothing is chan-
ged either from what it was before or from the way in which it was befo-
re , as in the case of the natural and artificial creations in nature and by
man. It is so, because what is given in the perfectly immanent active pro-
duction within the divine reality is nothing less than the eternal and infini-
te active realization, without a temporal beginning and succession, without
change or increase of any sort, of the essence and life of the First Being
who is literally uncaused, immutable , infinitely perfect, eternal and there-
fore, without any transition from non-being to being, not even secundum
quid.ul To this theme of the eternally and infinitely active and productive
interior of the divine essence, one with the First Being, Llull constantly
returned in his writings. With it or by means of it he regularly endeavored
to establish the reasonableness of the highest revealed doctrine of the
Christian faith, the mystery of the Trinity of the Divine Persons within the
one reality and substance that is the One True G o d . 1 1 2 An immediate con-


"" On LlulTs insistence on the dynamic character of God's entitative interior sec Walter Artus, "El
Dinamismo Divino y su Obra Maxima en el Encuentro de Llull y la Filosofia Musulmana", EL 22
(1978), 155-197.


1 1 1 "In nulla essentia infinita et aeterna, in qua et ex qua producens infinitus et aeternus producit
infinitum et aeternum, est mutatio, successio atque modus". Liber de Consolalione Eremilarum, 6, ROL
I, 112.


1 1 2 In confirmation, almost any of the many opuscula written by Llull at Sicily or at Tunis, not
more than four years before his death, may be consulted. All of the extant opera Messaniensia et Tuni-
ciana were edited by Johannes Stohr in ROL 1-2 (1959-60).




RAMON LLULL'S CONCEPT OF CREATION 65


sequence, moreover , of this vision of the perfect divine self-sufficiency and
fulfilment, rooted in the infinitely active and productive immanence of the
divine na ture , is the understanding of the total contingency of all the
works and productions ad extra. The eternally and infinitely active and
productive entitative interior of the First Being renders any of His possible
acts of efficient causality, whereby He might create things ad extra either
out of nothing or ex aliquo, totally without any real necessity on His part .
Consequently, any creation of whatever type or sort, is a totally free act
on the part of the First Being, obviously because there is nothing,
either outside or inside of Him, other than His perfect goodness, will and
generosity, which can impose on Him the slightest real necessity to make
the things that H e may choose to create . The production of anything ad
extra, as noted already, neither adds to , nor takes anything from, nor in
any way modifies at all, the eternally and totally self-fulfilled character of
the infinite nature of the First Being. Hence if He chose to create, as He
has done or does a) whenever he gives existence to spiritual beings and b)
when H e created the material universe originally, H e does so in perfect
and absolute freedom, simply out of perfectly free generosity and love.
On several occasions in his many books , as well also in some oral disputa-
tions with Islamic learned men recorded in The Contemporary Biography,
LIull explained that it was ignorance of the perfectly immanent active and
productive character of God ' s infinite nature and perfections that preven-
ted his fellow disputants, as it has prevented many other sages and philo-
sophers before and after them, from ascertaining the real truth about the
creation of the world. Mistakenly as a result they have frequently looked
upon the world as eternal and necessary in one fashion or another , and as
uncreated in many cases. It was while discoursing along these lines, that
Llull expressed his thoughts in meetings with Mohammedan fellow philo-
sopher-theologians on African soil, on the first two of his three visits and
stays there . Soon after his first arrival in Tunis in Nor th Africa, Llull ad-
dressed a number of learned Islamic leaders with these words:


A man ought to have that faith which attr ibutes to the eter-
nal God , in whom all the wise men of the world believe, the
greater goodness, wisdom, vir tue. . . and which also establish-
es the greater concord or agreement between the Highest and
First Cause and Its effect. From what you have proposed to
m e , I notice that m regard to the above named and other di-
vine dignities, none of you, Saracens, are in possession of any
knowledge concerning their proper , intrinsic and eternal acts,


r




66 WALTER W. ARTUS


without which those dignities would have been rdle from all
e t e rn i ty . 1 1 3


And doubtlessly more to the point of the non-necessary character of
the creation of the world, as of any other possible works ad extra, the
following excerpt from the Biography is very appropria te . In it we have
the words that Llull spoke to a leading Islamic leader during the second of
his three visits to Nor th Africa, about which the Biography informs us.
These were Llull's words:


Every being perfectly good is so perfect within itself that it
s tands in need of neither bringing about nor of soliciting any-
thing outside of itself. Now you assert that God is perfectly
good from all eternity and into all eternity. Consequent ly, H e
is in no need of either soliciting or of making anything out-
side Himself, because if H e were H e would not then be per-
fectly good simpliciter, But since you deny the most blessed
Trinity: on the supposition that It is not , G o d was not per-
fectly good from all eternity, until the moment when He pro-
duced in time the good thing that is the universe. On the
o ther hand, you believe in the creation of the world. A n d
consequently, (that) G o d became more perfect in goodness
when he created the world than H e was ever before; for
goodness is greater through a diffusion of itself than through
remaining idle. This I have as from you. As for myself, I
hold that the good itself is diffusive from eternity into eter-
nity. Also this is of the essence of the good, that it is diffusi-
ve of i tself . 1 1 4


One concluding thought remains for us to complete our explanation
of Ramon LlulFs understanding of creation stricto sensu, as it applies par-
ticularly, although not exclusively, to the creation of the world. To the
characteristics we noted that either define or distinguish a creation strictly


1 , 3 "Illam fidem tenere decet quemlibet sapientem, quae Deo aeterno, quem cuncti credunt mundi
sapientes, attribuit maiorem bonitatem, sapientiam, virtutem, veritatem, gloriam et perfectionem et cete-
ra huismodi... Illa etiam fides de Deo laudabilior est, quae inter Deum, qui est summa et prima causa,
et inter eius effectum maiorem ponit concordantiam seu convenientiam. Sed ego per ea, quae mihi pro-
posita sunt a vobis, adverto iam, quod vos omnes Saraceni, qui estis sub lege Machometi, non intelligi-
tis, in praedictis et aliis huiusmodi divinis dignitatibus actus proprios esse intrinsecos et aeternos, sine
quibus dignitates ipsae fuissent otiosae, etiam ab aeterno". Anonymous, Vila Coaetanea, VI, in ROL
VIII, 290.


1 1 4 "Omne ens perfecte bonum est in se ita perfectum, quod non indiget facere bonum extra se
atque mendicare. Tu dicis, quod Deus est perfecte bonus ab aeterno et in aetcrnum; ergo non indiget
mendicare et facere bonum extra se; quia si sic, tunc non esset perfecte bonus simpliciter. Et quia tu
negas beatissimam trinitatem: posito, quod non sit, Deus non fuit perfecte bonus ab aeterno, usque
quod produxit bonum mundi in tempore. Et ideo Deus fuit magis perfectus in bonitate, quando creavit




RAMON LLULLS CONCEPT OF CREATION 6 7


taken, it should be added now that the only possible agent or author of
such a creation can only be God or the First B e i n g . 1 1 5 It cannot be other-
wise because, as we have seen, a strict creation can only be the work of
an infinite being endowed with an equally infinite efficient causal power.
The classical theist and monotheist typified by Ramon Llujl can here ap-
peal to the many demostrat ive reasons which show that such an infinite
causal power is limited to one instance, namely the Uncaused First Being.
H e alone is, and H e alone will ever be , infinite. Accordingly, it must be
concluded that only the Divine First Being has , and will ever have , the
requisite infinite, active and efficient power to create stricto sensu, ex nihi-
lo. H e alone can be a creator in the full and strict sense of the word, and
this whether it is a question of the first appearance of any extramental
reality when the world first began to be , or whether it is a question of the
production of other beings at any t ime, but which can only begin to be
through a strict creation ex nihilo. The latter is the case that holds for the
creation of the rational souls of men and the spiritual substances we name
"angels". This thought that God alone has the requisite power to create in
the strict sense of the word is clarified by Llull on a number of occasions.
After reminding us for instance, that no single human soul can produce
itself or bring itself into existence, he gives as the obvious and simple
reason for saying so, that "no reality can bring itself into being, since it
cannot at one and the same time be and not b e . " 1 1 6 Such would of course,
be the case if a human soul or anything else could be the efficient cause
of itself. T o the next question of whether another spiritual substance, such
as an angelic substance, can have the power to create one single rational
soul he then replies in this fashion:


According to what we have said of the intellect, it follows
that an angel cannot produce a soul from its own essence. . .
nor can it produce a soul from another substance. . . nor can it
produce it out of nothing, for then it would be its creator and


—there would be several creators God and angels: a thing that
is both impossible and contrary to God ' s supreme perfections
and p r o p e r t i e s . 1 1 7


mundum in tempore, quam ante; cum bonitas sit magis bona diffundendo se, quam existendo otiosa.
Hoc autem habeo per te. Per me vero habeo, quod bovitas ab aeterno et in aeternum est diffusiva. Et
hoc est de ratione boni, quod sui ipsius sit diffusivum". Anonymous, Vila Coaetanea in ROL VIII, 298.


1 1 5 Holloway, op. cit., p. 343; Owens, op. cit., p. 336.
116 "Nullum ens potest producere se ipsum, cum illud in uno et eodem tempore non possit esse el non


esse". Liber de Anima Ralionali, p. 1, 2, MOG VI, 422 = Int. vii, 8.
1 , 7 "Secundum quod jam diximus de intellectu hominis... sequitur, quod angelus non possit produce-


re animam de sua essentia, ... nec etiam possit producere animam de alia essentia, cum sit probatum,
quod anima sit a creante... nec de nihilo potest illam producere, quia esset illius creator, et essent multi
creatores, scilicet Deus et angeli, quod est impossibile et contra supremas perfectiones et propietates
Dei". Loc. cit.




68 WALTER W. ARTUS


In the words just quoted , Llull makes it clear that according to him,
G o d alone is and can be a creator in the strict sense of the word. Not
even the noblest and highest of angels possesses, or can receive and exer-
cise, the infinite power needed to enable a totally non-existent thing to
effect the transition from a prior state of total nothingness to the subse-
quent possession of the least measure of extramental reality and being.
The infmite efficient causal power to create is God ' s exclusive prerogat ive,
property and perfection. So much so, that H e cannot communicate it to
any finite being. He cannot do so , not because of any lack of, or defect
in, His infmite power which extends to all that is rat ional , positively real
and good. But " there are two things which He cannot bring about: these
are sins and contradictions. It is clear that such an ' impotency' is not con-
trary to His infinite p o w e r . " 1 1 8 T o the question of "whether God can com-
municate to a creature the power to c rea te?" Llull gave this reply with
which this paper will be brought to a close:


If G o d could communicate to a creature the power to create ,
then that communicated power would have to be either a
proper or a common power of the creature . It cannot be a
proper one since it would have been appropriated to the crea-
ture by G o d , (and) because no appropria ted characteristic can
be a proper one (at the same time) ... nor can it be a com-
mon one because God and the creature cannot share equally
in being a single creative principle. . . because if they could. . .
in this manner the produced creature would be both a creatu-
re and not a creature: which is (obviously) a contradiction
that cannot b e . 1 1 9


Walter W. ARTUS


St. John 's University
Jamaica, N .Y . 11432


1 1 8 "Licet Deus habeat infinitam potestatem, duo tamen sunt, quae non potest facere, scilicet pecca-
tum et contradictionem; et talis impotentia non est contra suam infinitam potestatem". Dispulalio Eremi-
lale el Raymundi, bk. 2, q. 39, MOG IV, 261 = Int. iv, 37.


"" "In Deo est proprium et commune... undc si Deus creaturae posset communicare potentiam
creandi, aut illa potentia communicata esset propria creaturae, aut communis; non potest esse propria,
cum esset appropriata creaturae a Deo, cum nullum appropriatum possit esse proprium; ...; nec potest
esse communis, cum Deus et creatura non possint aequaliter participare in essendo unum principium
creativum; quia si possent, essent unum principium creativum... et sic Deus et creatura creativa deifica-
rent et crcarent unam creaturam compositam ex Deo et creatura creativa... et sic creatura producta
esset creatura et non creatura; quod est contradictio, quae non potest stare; unde sequitur..." Ibid.,
MOG IV, 260-1 = Int. iv, 36-7.




EL 2 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) . 6 9 - 7 9


F . D O M I N G U E Z R E B O I R A S


E R H A R D - W O L F R A M P L A T Z E C K (1903-1985).
C U A R E N T A Y C I N C O A N O S D E I N V E S T I G A C I O N L U L I A N A


El 27 de febrero de 1985, a la edad de 81 afios, fallecio en el conven-
to franciscano de Monchengladbach ( R F A ) el padre Erhard-Wolfram Plat-
zeck. Despues de la muer te de Friedrich Stegmuller 1 en 1981 desaparece
otra de las personalidades mas relevantes de la investigacion luliana en los
paises de habla alemana.


Habia nacido Platzeck el dia 13 de agosto 1903 en la localidad de Mi-
Uingen, vecina a la ciudad de Rees , en la margen derecha del Rin , no
lejos de la frontera holandesa. Como hijo de ferroviario cambio a menudo
de residencia. La infancia la paso en varias ciudades de la cuenca indus-
trial de! Ruhr , Duisburg, Wupperta l y Solingen, en una epoca de duras
experiencias belicas para aquclla region. Comenzo sus estudios secundarios
en Solingen en un liceo cientifico-matematico, ingresando tres anos des-
pues (1916) en un liceo clasico regentado por padres franciscanos en Vlo-
drop (Holanda) . En 1923, despues del examen de grado superior, ingreso
en la orden franciscana cont inuando estudios de Filosofia y Teologia en
los colegios de la orden en Dors ten , Paderborn , Metz y Mochengladbach.
En 1929 recibio la ordenacion sacerdotal. Despues de tres anos de profe-
sorado en un liceo de Exaten (Holanda) prosiguio sus estudios en las uni-
versidades de Munich, Perugia y Bonn , adquir iendo el ti tulo de profesor
de escuela media estatal en 1940. En ese mismo ano obt iene el doctorado
en filosofia por la Universidad de Bonn con un trabajo sobre Pascal y
Kan t 2 . Despues de una corta estancia en la universidad gregoriana y debi-


' Friedrich Stegmiiller fue el fundador del "Raimundus Lullus Institut" de la Universidad de Fribur-
go e iniciador de la edicion de las obras latinas de Ramdn Llull. Sobre su personalidad y el Instituto por
ei fundado cf. Fernando Dominguez Reboiras, "El 'Raimundus Lullus Institut' de la Universitat de Fri-
burg (Alemanya)", Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes V: El Calala a Europa i a America (Mont-
serrat, 1982).


2 Pascal und Kant. Personlichkeil und Geisteshaltung der beiden Denker (Bonn, 1940).




70 F. DOMINGUEZ REBOIRAS


do a la contienda europea fue dest inado al convento madrilefio de San
Francisco el Grande , en plena fase de reorganizacion despues de la guerra
civil. Alli permanecio seis afios. Platzeck fue en Madrid profesor del semi-
nario diocesano (1941-1945) y ejercio de capellan de la colonia a lemana.
Ent re otras actividades fue cofundador y colaborador de la revista Verdad
y Vida3. Despues de esta estancia en Esparia fue enviado en 1946 a R o m a
donde ocupo las catedras de Logica e Historia de la Filosofia en la Ponti-
ficia Universidad Antoniana , la mas alta institucion de estudios de la Or-
den Franciscana, hasta su jubilacion en el afio 1973. Desde esta fecha vi-
vio en el convento de Mbnchengladbach dedicado al estudio.


La larga trayectoria como investigador luliano de E . W . Platzeck co-
mienza con su estancia en Madrid. Los primeros articulos aparecen en
1941, estan dedicados al gran lulista de Andratx y abad de Santa Maria la
Real , Antonio Ra imundo Pasqual (1708-1791) 4 y a aspectos particulares de
la mistica luliana 5 .


En los primeros afios de labor docente en R o m a sus trabajos se cen-
tran en el problema fundamental de la univocidad y la analogia del ser y
sus derivaciones logicas, matematicas y gramaticales. A proposi to de este
problema analiza las ideas de grandes pensadores frariciscanos y otros filo-
sofos recientes como Heidegger 6 . Cuando parecia que su interes por Llull
habia desaparecido, publica en 1952 un amplio articulo sobre la combina-
toria lul iana 7 , que es una exposicion crftica y un ensayo de interpretacion,
a la vez doctrinal e historica, del Ars luliana; segun Joaquim Carreras i
Ar tau: "la mes profunda que s'hagi donat fins a r a " 8 . Platzeck expone el
origen del Ar te desde la circunstancia personal de Llull, quien la concibe
originariamente como un instrumento de contemplacion, la transforma
mas tarde en un arte de conversibn de infieles y luego en un metodo uni-
versal para la invencion y demostracibn de toda verdad. Analiza a conti-
nuacibn los diversos grupos de conceptos basicos que integran el Ars mag-
na: las dignidades, los principios relativos, los sujetos, reglas y s imbolos,
asf como la doctrina de los correlativos. A base de este analisis descubre


3 La revista Verdad y Vida fue fundada en el convento de San Francisco el Grande de Madrid por
Isidoro Rodriguez, J.B. Gomis y E.W. Platzeck.


* "Al margen del lulista P. Antonio-Raimundo Pascual O. Cist.", Anal. Sacra Tarrac. 14 (1941),
183-197. "Observaciones del Padre Antonio Raimundo Pasqual O. Cist. sobre lulistas alemanes I. El
lulismo en las obras del Cardenal Nicolas Krebs de Cusa, 1. El Arte luliano en las obras de Nicolas de
Cusa", Revisla Esp. de Teol. 1 (1941), 731-765. "Observaciones... I. 2. Doctrinas teologicas y filosdficas
de Raimundo Lulio en las obras de Nicolas de Cusa", Rev. Esp. de Teol. 2 (1942), 257-324.


5 "La vida eremitica en las obras del Beato Raimundo Lulio", Rev. de Espiritualidad 1 (1941) 61-
79; 2 (1942), 117-143.


6 Cf. Luchesius Spatling, "Bibliographia Erhardi-Wolfram Platzeck", Antonianum 48 (1973), 268-


7 "Die lullsche Kombinatorik", Franziskanische Studien 34 (1952), 32-60; 377-407.
8 C/. Estudis Romdnics 3 (1951-2), p. 313.


299.




ERHARD-WOLFRAM PLATZECK 71


la genesis y el desarrollo del sistema logico luliano pre tendiendo tambien
descubrir al mismo t iempo antecedentes y filiacion. Platzeck muestra como
Ramon Llull puede engarzar sus geniales intuiciones con la autentica tradi-
cion del pensamiento cristiano desde San Agustfn hasta el siglo XII con
elementos doctrinales de la literatura filosofico-teologica arabe. El origen
de las dignidades lo sitiia en San Agust in , el antecedente de la figura " A "
seria la esfera inteligible de Plot ino, el precursor del modelo matematico
seria Boecio y sus metodos demostrat ivos, ademas de la escuela de Char-
tres. Esto basta para revelar el fondo platonico del Ars luliana en contras-
te con-la 16gica conceptual aristotelica, que dominaba la filosofia y la teo-
logia en el siglo XII I , opuesta radicalmente a una logica de las cosas - o n -
tologica- capaz de demostrar la fe por razones necesarias, no solo a los
cristianos sino tambien a los infieles. Ademas de estos elementos platoni-
cos quiere ver Platzeck una infiltracion de elementos de la Gramatica es-
peculativa procedentes de una tradicion estoico-aristotelica muy viva du-
rante toda la Edad Media. Asi pre tende Platzeck que el Ar te de Llull en-
cubre en su fondo una logica comparativa y analogica muy prbxima a la
logica relacional moderna . Despues de analizar los elementos del Ar te y
descritas las peculiaridades del sistema se pone de manifiesto un contraste
entre la lbgica escolar vigente en Paris y la logica de los raimundistae. Ad-
mitido este conflicto se puede pasar a una valoracion de la combinatoria
luliana y a la busqueda de formulas de ac.tualizacibn y acceso a la misma.
Este denso estudio de Platzeck fue traducido al castellano y publicado por
Joaquim Carreras i A r t a u 9 .


Sobre el tema del origen de las figuras del Ar te vuelve en dos articu-
los del ano 1954 1 0 . En este mismo aiio, en un apendice de un libro publi-
cado en Barcelona, expone una interesante tesis sobre La mentalidad de
Raimundo Lulio y la teoria moderna de las formas del pensaru.


En el aiio 1955 publica en la revista "Anton ianum" un artfculo en la-
tin sobre los fundamentos de la etica lu l iana . 1 2 Par t iendo del termino va-
lor, un concepto genuinamente luliano y poco tenido en cuenta hasta
aquella fecha, expone principios de la etica luliana que ayudan a compren-
der el caracter y la personalidad de Rambn . Las bases textuales de esta
exposicibn son el lib. I I , cap. 48 del Blanquerna, el Libre de proverbis y
De centum nominibus Dei.


9 "La combinatoria luliana. Un nuevo ensayo de exposicion e interpretacion de la misma a la luz de
la Filosofia general europea", Revisla de Filosofia 12 (1953), 575-609; 13 (1954), 125-165. La traducci6n
esta tan lograda que se lee mejor que el original.


1 0 "La figura 'A' del Arte luliano y la esfera inteligible de Plotino", SMR 9-10 (1953-54), 19-34. "La
figura 'T del Arte luliano y la doctrina medieval de las significaciones", ibid 35-54.


" Apendice, pp. 113-136 de La evolucidn de la logica griega en el aspecto especial de la analogia
(Barcelona: C.S.I.C, 1954).


1 2 "De valore ad mentem Beati Raymundi Lulli", Antonianum 30 (1955), 151-184.




72 F. DOMINGUEZ REBOIRAS


En 1957 edita Platzeck el opiisculo luliano Questio de congruo13 no
solo con el fin de dar a conocer una obra luliana inedita sino, como indica
en su jugoso comentar io , para poner de manifiesto aspectos interesantes
de la demonstratio luliana y de la disputa sobre las rationes necessariae.
Este opusculo es sin duda alguna una autodefensa por parte de Llull con-
tra los ataques de los teologos parisinos que lo tachaban de racionalista:
"Unde si aliqui nos mordere voluerit dicendo, quod nos fidem probare in-
tendimus et quod nostra probatio fidem evacuat, hoc negamus et respon-
demus , ut superius dictum est " .


El pr imer articulo de Platzeck en la revista "Estudios lulianos", fun-
dada en 1957, es un largo analisis sobre la concepcion luliana de la logica
tomando como base la Logica nova (1303) 1 4 . Ante la cuestion de si la 16-
gica luliana es mas "material" que "formal" nos encontramos, segiin Plat-
zeck, ante el extrano fenomeno de que Llull, segiin la logica escolastico-
aristotelica aparece como un representante de la logica "mater ia l" ad ex-
cessum y que , a la vez, en su Ar te Genera l , Llull puede considerarse co-
mo un lejano precursor de la logica moderna , que es la mas "formal" en-
tre todas las logicas elaboradas en el curso de los siglos.


En ocho paginas y seis apartados se atreve Platzeck, en un artfculo de
caracter divulgativo, a determinar la Esencia del arte lulianoX5. En el pre-
tende dar los elementos necesarios para iniciarse en el Ars luliana. Pres-
cindiendo de si logra o no su objetivo, muestra aqui el estilo de su facil
pluma que no renuncia a intentar una sintesis avisando al lector incluso
como "la ilusion de muchos decaera considerablemente a resultas de estas
observaciones", para decirles al final con entusiasmo que "el Ar te luliano
se nos aparece como un sistema filosofico, quiza el mas unitario y el mas
consecuente de todos los sistemas filosofico-teologicos del medievo lat ino".
Este pequeno articulo se lee como una sintesis o como un guion de la
obra siguiente.


En el ano 1962 culmina Platzeck su investigacion sobre Llull con la
publicacion de su magna obra en dos tomos: Raimund Lull. Sein Leben.
Seine Werke. Die Grundlagen seines Denkens (Prinzipienlehre) .x(> La obra
esta dedicada a los hermanos Carreras i Ar tau (a la memoria de Tomas y
en honor de Joaquim) con quienes Platzeck mantuvo una entranable amis-
tad.


El pr imer tomo empieza con un estudio del contexto historico, mas
dos capitulos, donde expone , en uno , la cronologia de la vida y escritos de


1 3 "Raimund Lull's Quaestio de Congruo [adducto ad necessariam probationem]", Munchener Theo-
logische Zeitschrift 8 (1957), 13-32.


1 4 "Raimund Lulls Auffassung von der Logik", EL 2 (1958), 5-34; 273-294.
15 Orbis Catholicus (octubre 1960), 287-295.
1 6 Diisseldorf (L. Schwann) - Roma (Bibliotheca Franciscana, Band V) 1962-1964.




ERHARD-WOLFRAM PLATZECK 73


Ramon Llull y en el o t ro , con gran simpatfa y carino hacia el pensador
mallorquin, intenta un analisis de su personalidad y caracter. Por paradoji-
co que parezca, Platzeck subraya con acierto que Llull a pesar de sus nu-
merosos viajes y pretendido universalismo, se mueve exclusivamente en el
horizonte historico de la Corona catalano-aragonesa (pags. 4ss). La segun-
da par te es el estudio propiamente dicho. Aunque el la denomina teoria
de los principios, su intencion es mas ambiciosa; Platzeck intenta entender
y situar el pensamiento luliano en el ambiente historico en que se desarro-
116 y no como algo extrano y fuera de lugar. Este estudio es de tal densi-
dad que resulta dificil exponerlo en pocas lineas. En nueve capitulos orde-
na su programa recogiendo cosas que ya habia escrito pero ampliandolas y
precisandolas: El punto de partida (cap. 1) es la exposicion del pensamien-
to simbolico de Ramon Lull en funcion de su contexto teologico y su fina-
lidad misional y se apoya fundamentalmente en el Libre de contemplacio,
donde se encuentran formulados ya los fundamentos del Ars pues el tema
que se entreve en el fondo de toda la obra es el de los nombres divinos y
los atributos esenciales de Dios que se iran desarrollando mas tarde en las
distintas etapas del Ars generalis (ver el cuadro sinoptico de la pag. 107).
Mostrado el camino a seguir, analiza las posibles fuentes de ese ideario.
En el cap. 2 sirve de guia la Ars inventiva veritatis para el estudio de los
principios fundamentales del sistema, es decir, los nueve atributos divinos
agrupados en la figura " A " (cf. pag. 195), o sea, las nueve dignitates defi-
nitivas con sus correlativos correspondientes. El cap. 3, siguiendo siempre
el Ars inventiva, estudia la naturaleza de los principios relativos agrupados
en la figura " T " (cf. pag. 256). E n el cap. 4 se estudia el sistema de las
regulae sive quaestiones siguiendo la Tabula generalis. Estas reglas topolo-
gicas son los enlaces de los principios entre sf. Despues de desarrollar los
numerosos aspectos de la topica luliana expone las reglas tal y como apa-
recen en el Ars generalis ultima. Asi llegamos al cap. 5 que esta consagra-
do a la combinatoria luliana. Es tamos ya en el meollo del sistema luliano
y al mismo t iempo en su punto mas original y extrano, en el se estudian
todos los procedimientos metodicamente para terminar con una considera-
cion general sobre la analogia del ser segun Llull a la luz de su doctrina
sobre los puntos transcendentales. Reunidos asi todos los e lementos , per-
miten a Platzeck abordar en el cap. 6: El descubrimiento del Arte por Ra-
mdn Llull. Aqui se nos ofrecen quiza los aspectos mas interesantes de to-
do el libro al darsenos una clave interpretativa para la comprension de la
genesis del sistema luliano y la importancia y sentido de la experiencia de
R a n d a . 1 7 Despues de una exposicion de la teoria luliana de la significacion


1 7 Sobre este punto verso su ponencia leida en el I c r Congreso Internacional de Lulismo (19-24.
Abril 1960): "Descubrimiento y esencia del Arte del Bto. Ramon Lull", EL 8 (1964), 137-154.




74 F. DOMINGUEZ REBOIRAS


y sus paralelismos con las teorfas gramaticales de la Edad Media (cap. 7),
nos ofrece Platzeck (cap. 8) una exposicion de la logica naturalis luliana,
mezcla, segun el, de elementos logicos y ontologicos que corresponde a
una tendencia luliana de buscar la unidad entre ser y pensar. E n el ultimo
capitulo se trasluce el profundo franciscanismo de Platzeck y Ramon Llull
mostrando hasta que punto el Ar te pudiera llamarse mas bien una filoso-
fia de amor que una filosofia de la palabra. Tras un breve epilogo con-
cluye el primer volumen.


El segundo volumen esta dedicado exclusivamente a documentacion:
catalogos y notas al primer tomo. Contiene cuatro catalogos: un largo re-
pertorio cronolbgico de 292 escritos juzgados autenticos, un repertorio al-
fabetico, un repertorio sistematico y un repertorio de initia. N o puede ha-
ber elogio excesivo para hacer resaltar la magnitud de la contribucibn de
Platzeck en esta seccion de su obra. Todo catalogo anterior quedo supera-
do . El material reunido ha hecho imprescindible, desde hace mas de vein-
te anos, el "Platzeck" para todo el que trabaje sobre Rambn Llull. Una
necesidad que , a pesar de sus deficiencias, sigue vigente.


La acogida de esta obra en los cfrculos lulistas fue al tamente positiva
y casi entusiastica; valga como muestra las afirmaciones de R . D . F . Pring
Mill: "El Raimund Llull del P. Erhard-Wolfram Platzeck, sin duda alguna
la maxima contribucibn que cualquier individuo ha hecho a la dilucidacion
del pensamiento del Bea to desde que su discipulo inmediato Thomas le
Myesier compuso el Primum Electorium hasta nuestros dias, representa la
culminacion de un cuarto de siglo de investigaciones lulianas, llevadas a
cabo por uno de los mas sutiles y agudos ingenios que hoy dia laboran en
el campo del pensamiento medieval . . . representa el mas completo intento
de exegesis de las bases del lulismo que jamas se haya pub l i cado" . 1 8 Aun-
que no podamos compartir estos extremos no cabe duda que esta obra fue
una aportacibn importantis ima a los estudios lulianos. No es una exposi-
cibn exhaustiva de la inmensa produccion luliana sino una sfntesis de sus
trabajos anteriores y a la vez un acercamiento a las bases del pensamiento
luliano tantas veces incomprendido. Para Platzeck Llull no fue un pensa-
dor profundo, como lo demuestra su inmensa produccion, sino que la
fuerza de su pensamiento se muestra mas bien en la sorprendente reorde-
nacibn o reorganizacion del saber de su t iempo. El analisis de las premisas
y principios de ese nuevo sistema ordenador es lo que Platzeck pretendib
aportar . La dificultad de dar un juicio definitivo sobre su obra inmensa y
variada quedb superada en el esfuerzo de buscarle un sitio dentro de la
historia del pensamiento medieval. Las geniales intuiciones lulianas, su
nuevo m o d o de ver, t ienen su origen y estan empapadas de tradicibn cris-


Rec. en EL 11 (1967), pag. 192.




ERHARD-WOLFRAM PLATZECK 75


tiana que Llull consciente o inconscientemente acepto y adapto . Si el libro
de Platzeck es una pieza importante en la larga historia de los estudios
lulianos es precisamente por el hecho innegable que , por lo menos , des-
pues de Platzeck hay que tomar en serio el edificio ideolbgico luliano;
Llull y lulismo han dejado de ser algo raro , extrano o esoterico para ser
un sistema de pensamiento dentro de la plural variedad de la cultura occi-
dental con su secuela de precursores y seguidores. Por decirlo asi, Plat-
zeck ha invalidado para siempre aquel juicio, pre tendidamente definitivo,
de Prantl encontrando aquel punto de vista desde donde poder juzgar la
produccibn luliana que el sabio historiador fue incapaz de encontrar en el
siglo pasado. Aunque siga siendo dificil acercarse a Llull en su conjunto,
desde Platzeck queda justificado el esfuerzo en contra de la t remenda afir-
macibn pran t l iana . 1 9


EI caracter platonizante del sistema luliano y su distanciamiento de
Aristbteles es una constante en los escritos de Platzeck. La categoria de la
relacibn, por e jemplo, es en Llull una categoria claramente revalorizada
en contraposicibn a Aristbteles. A pesar de haber expuesto ampliamente
este aspecto en su Raimund Lull le dedicb en 1963 una monograf ia . 2 0 E n
una conferencia pronunciada en Tren to el 7 de octubre de 1963 en la
reunibn general de la Gdrresgesellschaft bajo el ti tulo Der Platonismus bei
Raimund LulP1 resume todo lo expuesto por el hasta aquella fecha. Para
Platzeck es Llull uno de los mas importantes representantes de la tradicibn
platonica medieval. La breve exposicibn esta llena de sugestivas referen-
cias: Las figuras " A " y " S " reflejan la doctrina de los transcendentales de
Platbn, el "bonum diffusivum sui" y el concepto luliano de valor son base
de la teorfa luliana del conocimiento y expresibn fundamental del platonis-
mo luliano, la figura " T " como esquema de relaciones esta anclada en la
tradicion platbnica y se puede concebir como un correctivo a las tenden-
cias aristotelicas que dominaban en su t iempo.


E n 1964 publica Platzeck en una coleccibn de hagiografias la obra
Das Leben des seligen Raimund Lull. Die "Vita coetanea" und ausgewdhlte


1 9 C. Prantl, Geschichle der Logik im Abendlande (Leipzig 1855 ss.), t. III, pp. 145-177, ve un
linico objetivo en las veinte paginas que le dedica a Llull: quitarles a sus contemporaneos y a las gene-
raciones posteriores el trabajo de hojear en la "desbordante exhuberancia de la floresta luliana" pidien-
do perdon al lector porque le ha entretenido con la exposicidn de un sistema tan enrevesado que nada
tiene que ver con la logica (pp. 145, 176 y 177).


2 0 "Raimund Lulls allgemeiner Relationsbegriff unter besonderer Rucksicht der aristotelischen Auf-
fassung", Miscellanea Mediaevalia II: Die Melaphysik im Miitelalter, ihr Ursprung und ihre Bedeutung
(Actas del Congreso de la S.I.E.P.M de 1961, Koln) (Berlin, 1963), 572-581. Sobre este tema cf. su
articulo "De tendencia Beati Johannis Duns Scoti versus divisionem relationum respectu relationum ta-
bellae a Raymundo Lullo propositae", Antonianum 38 (1963), 87-101; y Raimund Lull, t. I, pp. 202-206.
Sobre la relacion en Llull vease la reciente introduccion de Vittorio Hosle a la edicion latino-alemana de
la "Logica nova" (Raimundus Lullus, Die neue Logik, Hamburgo 1985), p. LXVII.


21 Philosophisches Jahrbuch 72 (1964), 66-83.




76 F. DOMINGUEZ REBOIRAS


Texte zum Leben Lulls aus seinen Werken und Zeitdokumenten.22 El subti-
tulo indica claramente el contenido de la obra . Ademas de la "Vi ta" ,
acompanada del texto original latino y ampliamente comentada , reiine
Platzeck una serie de cincuenta documentos autobiograficos, ordenados
cronologicamente y traducidos por primera vez al a leman, que ilustran la
vida de Llull. Estan sacados de sus obras o de documentos coetaneos. Mas
que una hagiografia es una relacion documentada y divulgadora de la vida
y la obra de Ramon Llull. Ademas de documentos de caracter meramente
historico traduce y comenta Platzeck otros documentos de caracter litera-
rio. Interesante es su traduccion al aleman en verso y estrofas monorr imas
del Cant de Ramon donde se muestra Platzeck como delicado poeta . El
libro es, sin duda alguna, una introduccion a Llull digna de ser imitada en
otros idiomas.


En el congreso celebrado en Bernkastel-Kues en agosto de 1964 para
conmemorar el quingentesimo aniversario de la muer te de Nicolas de Cusa
expuso Platzeck las relaciones del pensador renacentista aleman y Ramdn
Llu l l . 2 3 El Cusano, segiin Platzeck, no es un lulista en el sentido estricto
de la palabra , ya que el no se apoya simplemente en los principids lulia-
nos. El sistema luliano es demasiado hermetico y cerrado para permitir
prolongaciones o repeticiones. El Cusano tiene sus propios principios. Sin
embargo Llull y Nicolas de Cusa pertenecen a la misma tradicidn del neo-
platonismo cristiano y puesto que el Cusano conocfa muchos escritos de
Llull, aceptaba sus principios y coincidia con el en muchos puntos de su
pensamiento , es justo que se incluya en una historia del lulismo. Se trata
de un mismo afan con diferentes acentos, en Llull domina la razdn discur-
siva y en el Cusano la intellectualitas que busca sobre todo la unidad.


En aquel mismo ano en el tercer congreso internacional de Filosofia
medieval celebrado en Passo della Mendola (Trento) y dedicado a la filo-
sofia de la naturaleza en el medievo, expuso Platzeck en una ponencia el
concepto de naturaleza en Ramdn Llu l l . 2 4 Ante aquel auditorio sentd co-
mo premisa que "Llull fue un cerebro independiente y, aiin mas, en sus
consecuencias metodoldgicas una cabeza muy tes taruda" . Part iendo de la
definicidn de natura en la Logica nova analiza este concepto de cara al
esquema luliano de relaciones, la tensidn ontoldgica de essentia y esse, la
teoria de los correlativos, la de los principios absolutos y, por ul t imo, el
concepto luliano de chaos. Platzeck encuadra el concepto luliano de natura
en su sistema metafisico y ldgico sentando, una vez mas , la filiacidn de


2 2 Diisseldorf (Patmos Verlag) 1964.
2 3 "Von der lullschen zur cusanischen Denkform", Milleilungen und Forschungsbeitrage der Cusanus-


Gesellschaft 4 (1965), 145-162.
2 4 "Der Naturbegriff Raimund Lulls im Rahmcn seiner 'Ars Magna'", La Filosofta de la Naiura nel


Medio Evo, Atti del Terzo Congreso iniernazionale di Filosofia medioevale (Milan, 1966), 90-113.




ERHARD-WOLFRAM PLATZECK 77


la cosmologfa luliana en la tradicion de la escuela de Chartres y la tradi-
cion arabigo-espanola que Llull se esfuerza en reducir segun la perspectiva
unificadora y conciliadora de su ideal misionero.


E n un largo articulo publicado en 1970 se propuso Platzeck hacer un
juicio critico de la bibliografia luliana desde 1955 2 5 constatando en general
un balance positivo en cantidad y en calidad. N o se privo de hacer obser-
vaciones negativas que no siempre fueron recibidas benevolamente .


En 1971 publica, con una corta introduccion, una edicion facsimil de
los tres tomos de las Opera parva26 publicadas en 1744-45 por Pedro An-
tonio Capo en Palma de Mallorca como continuacion de la interrumpida
edicion maguntina de Ivo Salzinger.


En 1972 se dedico a estudiar las relaciones doctrinales de Leibniz con
Ramon Llull. Ante el estado todavia incompleto de la edicion leibniziana
limito su trabajo al joven Leibniz y su Dissertatio de arte combinatoria.21


En 1975 publica en "Estudios lulianos" un articulo en latin sobre las
pruebas de la existencia de Dios en Llu l l . 2 8 A partir de su jubilacion, y
debido en parte a su precario estado de salud, sus publicaciones lulianas
se hacen cada vez mas esporadicas 2 9 dedicandose casi exclusivamente a la
redaccion del que iba a ser su ultimo libro, salido a luz unos meses antes
de su m u e r t e . 3 0


En el ano 1978 publica en aleman y en castellano un estudio sobre La
contemplacion religiosa de Ramon Llull en los primeros arios de su activi-
dad literaria (1271-1276)3] que habia sido tema de su ponencia en el II
Congreso internacional de Lulismo celebrado en Miramar en 1976. Es un
intento de profundizar en el estudio de la contemplacion luliana frente a
los movimientos de meditacion que "desde Oriente han invadido el Occi-
dente acristiano y cristiano". Sobre el desarrollo de este Congreso publico
tambien un amplio comen ta r io . 3 2


2 5 "Miscellanea Lulliana. Forschungen der letzten fiinfzehn Jahre zum Leben und zur Deutung der
Lehren Raimun Lulls", Anlonianum 45 (1970), 213-272. Publicada en castellano, corregida y aumentada,
en Verdad y Vida 31 (1973), 381-454.


2 6 Raimund Lull, Opuscula (herausgegeben und mit einer Einleitung von Erhard-Wolfram Platzeck)
(Hildesheim: Gerstenberg, 1971-1973).


2 7 "Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz y Raimundo Llull", EL 16 (1972), 129-193. Sobre el tema pronuncio
una conferencia en Madrid aquel mismo afio, publicada en Antonianum 48 (1973), 46-63.


2 8 "De existentia essentiae divinae sive primae causae respectu conceptu aeternitatis secundum Rai-
mundum Lullum", EL 19 (1975), 5-24.


2 9 Hay que destacar la reproduccidn fotomcc;inica de la Explanatio compendiosaque applicatio Anis
Raymundi Lulli de Bernardo de Lavinheta con una introduccion y un indice de nombres (Hildcsheim:
Gerstenberg, 1977).


3 0 Klassenlogische Syllogistik. Ein geschlossenes Verbandsyslem definiter Klassen (Paderborn: Scho-
ningh, 1984).


31 EL 22 (1978), 87-115. "Die Kontemplation in den Friihschriften Raimund Lulls", Wissenschaft
und Weisheit 41 (1978), 199-222.


3 2 "Orient und Okzident. Eine Begegnung auf dem Zweiten Internationalen KongreB der Lullisten
in Miramar auf Mallorca (19-24.1.1976)", Franziskanische Studien 63 (1981), 146-154.




78 F. DOMINGUEZ REBOIRAS


En los cuadernos de homenaje a R. Aramon i Serra publico un estu-
dio sobre El final del 'Blaquerna' de Ramdn LlulP3 en el que considera
este ultimo capitulo como la clave y resumen de toda la novela. Habla
tambien de la nocibn de literatura en Llull haciendo al final una interpre-
tacibn de la "cancibn del emperador" que Platzeck considera como una de
las mas hermosas perlas de la obra poetica luliana.


Ya hemos indicado que Platzeck culminb su lista de publicaciones con
un libro que viene a ser un resumen de sus lecciones de lbgica donde ex-
pone su concepcibn de la silogfstica tradicional. Es todo un sfmbolo que
las ultimas paginas de este libro sean un apendice dedicado a Llu l l . 3 4


A esta sumaria enumeracibn de la produccibn luliana de Platzeck ha-
bria que anadir una larga lista de conferencias, recensiones y articulos de
enciclopedias y diccionar ios , 3 5 ademas de pequenas colaboraciones en dia-
rios y revistas de divulgacibn. Este padre franciscano que quiso determinar
la vida y obra de Rambn Llull como un "horror otiositatis" parece que se
dejb contagiar por ese principio y lo hizo lema de su vida.


En un legado de tal envergadura no es de esperar una aceptacibn de
todas y cada una de sus tesis y afirmaciones. Desde un punto de vista
meramente formal hay que confesar que la lectura de sus obras no deja de
presentar hartas dificultades, inherentes en parte a la forma como Platzeck
maneja su idioma y lo matiza, pero tambien a la extrema sutilidad - s ea
permit ido dec i r - escotista de su pensamiento . Es dificil por ello aceptar
algunos principios metodolbgicos que nacen de esa formacibn filosbfica es-
pecifica. Se echa de menos, sobre todo en su Raimund Lull, una clara
separacibn de lo que es analisis sistematico-filosbfico y analisis histbrico.
Una mas precisa diferenciacibn en este sentido hubiera facilitado la lectura
de sus trabajos.


Platzeck ha estudiado en amplitud y profundidad las bases lbgicas y
epistemolbgicas del pensamiento luliano, lo cual no quiere decir que haya
expuesto todos los aspectos del mismo. N o se puede pasar por alto que
Platzeck desconocib y no aprecib en su justo valor aportaciones importan-
tes de los ultimos decenios. En una ocasibn se defiende contra el reproche
de que su obra no atiende a toda la personalidad y obra de R a m b n
Llu l l . 3 6 Esta censura es justificable y no empequenece el valor de su apor-
tacibn a los estudios lulianos. En efecto, si pensamos en la metafisica lu-
liana, se echa de menos la justa apreciacidn de la importancia central de


3 3 EUC 24 (1980), 447-465.
3 4 C/. nota 30, "Ein Prufstein syllogistischen Denkens? - Beweis der aussagelogischen 'Lex lullia-


na"\ pp. 329-343.
35 Lexikon ftir Theologie und Kirche (Pascual y Flexas, Antonio Raimundo; Raimund Lull), Hislo-


risches Wdrlerbuch der Philosophie (Ars combinatoria; Ars magna, Lullsche Kunst), Enciclopidia Cala-
lana (Ars magna), etc.


3 6 Ver art. de not. 25, pp. 233-4.




ERHARD-WOLFRAM PLATZECK 79


la teoria de los correlativos para comprender la original estructura dinami-
ca y trinitaria de la concepcion luliana del ser. El desarrollo paulatino del
Ar t e , desde el Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem hasta el Ars generalis
ultima no esta satisfactoriamente explicado. El Ars inventiva veritatis que
el toma como base en su Raimund Lull, se compara siempre con las otras
fases del Ar te pero falta la comprension exhaustiva de las razones que
motivaron esta evolucion y que desde los escritos de Yates y Pring-Mill
sabemos que son un instrumento interpretativo imprescindible. El historia-
dor se asombra algunas veces del criterio poco rigido de Platzeck en sus
decisiones sobre cronologia y bibliografia lulianas; en su catalogo, por
e jemplo, incluye obras que ya estaban descartadas como legitimas hacia
t i e m p o . 3 7


Repi to una vez mas que estos y otros puntos que se pudieran poner a
discusion no disminuyen el valor de la obra que nos ha legado Platzeck.
Esta marcara un hito en la historia de los estudios lulianos. Como ya he-
mos apuntado al hablar de su Raimund Lull, ademas de haber descartado
definitivamente el juicio prantl iano sobre Llull, Platzeck ha puesto fin a
una facil y raquit ica vision de R a m o n Llull, tan querida a literatos y filolo-
gos, que olvida el austero y rigido ideario del Llull teologo y filosofo para
deleitarse superficialmente en su obra poetica, limitandose a una interpre-
tacion popular de los mismos sin imaginar la profundidad de su pensa-
miento. Natura lmente es libre cada uno de quedarse con un aspecto de
Llull y hacerse un rinconcito en la inmensa obra del Beato . Esto es en
todo pun to explicable, pues nadie puede negar que la atraccion del Llull
poeta es mucho mayor que la seca enumeracion de sus tabulae et figurae.
R a m o n Llull no solo fue un escritor fecundo sino un gran pensador . La
obra de Platzeck es expresion de la aceptacion del Lull en te ro , es uno de
los representantes mas significativos de ese nuevo lulismo que no se deja
asustar por la inmensa produccion luliana y busca comprender esa obra en
su conjunto y en sus lineas maestras para poner a Ramon Llull en el pues-
to que le corresponde dentro de la historia del pensamiento medieval.
Platzeck tuvo el valor de adentrarse en la selva luliana. Su bagaje de co-
nocimientos filosoficos, historicos y sistematicos facilitaron e hicieron posi-
ble su labor. Quedan todavia muchos aspectos por dilucidar, pero se pue-
de asegurar que en lo que se refiere al analisis del origen y estructura
logica del Ars luliana ha sido la aportacion de Platzeck esencial y decisiva.


_ . , T „ , Fernando DOMINGUEZ REBOIRAS
Raimundus - Lullus - Institut
Alber t - Ludwigs - Universitat


D-7800 Freiburg i.Br.


37 Fons paradisi divinalis (Platzeck n" 48), Liber "De benedicta tu in mulieribus" (n° 53) etc.






EL 2 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) , 8 1 - 9 2


A N T O N I B O N N E R


M O D I F I C A C I O N S A L C A T A L E G D ' O B R E S D E R A M O N L L U L L


A r a q u e a c a b a d e so r t i r el m e u Selected Works of Ramon Llull,1 el
c a t a l e g c r o n o l d g i c d ' o b r e s q u e a p a r e i x al final de l T o m I I , i q u e fou
e l a b o r a t l ' any 1982, j a n e c e s s i t a m o d i f i c a c i o n s , t a n t p e r les m e v e s r e -
c e r q u e s c o m p e r les d ' a l t r e s i n v e s t i g a d o r s . L e s m e v e s t i n g u e r e n l loc
p r i n c i p a l m e n t al R a i m u n d u s Lu l lu s I n s t i t u t d e F r e i b u r g , o n , a m b l 'a ju-
d a de l d i r e c t o r , C h a r l e s L o h r , i de l s eu a s s i s t en t , F e r n a n d o D o m f n g u e z
R e b o i r a s , va ig p o d e r c o n s u l t a r t o t a la b i b l i o t e c a d e mic ro f i lms d e M s s .
lu l - l ians q u e t e n e n a l la . E l s a l t r e s i n v e s t i g a d o r s q u e m ' h a n p r o p o r c i o n a t
c o r r e c c i o n s i m o d i f i c a c i o n s s o n J o s e p M a r i a R u i z S i m o n , i el m a t e i x
F e r n a n d o D o m i n g u e z , als q u a l s vul l e x p r e s s a r a q u i el m e u a g r a i m e n t .
T a m b 6 h e p o g u t ap ro f i t a r u n a r t i c le r e c e n t d e J o s e p R o m e u i F i g u e r a s .


A fi q u e el l e c t o r p u g u i t e n i r u n a vis io d e c o n j u n t , c o m e n c a r e a m b
u n a llista d e les m o d i f i c a c i o n s , d o n a n t e l m i m e r o de l c a t a l e g , n u m e r o
n o u ( e n t r e p a r e n t e s i s ) q u e a r a s u g g e r i m , t i to l d e 1'obra, i f i n a l m e n t la
d a t a n o v a p r o p o s a d a .
I I . A . 1 6 ( I I . A . 3 . b i s ) Doctrinapueril 1274-6 (? )
111.3 ( I I . B . 1 9 ) Quaestiones per Artem demonstrativam seu inventivam


solubiles 1289 (? )
111.4 ( I I . A . 1 9 ) Libre d'Anticrist 1274-83 ( ? )
111.5 ( I I . A . 2 0 ) De adventu Messiae 1274-83 ( ? )
I I I . 17 ( I I I . 30 .b i s ) Investigatio mixtionum generalium 1298-Par i s
111.34 ( I I I . 43 .b i s ) CantdeRamon 1300 -Mal lo r ca
I I I . 5 4 ( I I I . 76 .b i s ) Lectura Artis quae intitulatur Brevis practica Tabu-


lae generalis 1 F e b 1 3 0 7 - G e n o v a


1 Princeton University Press, 1985, 2 vols.




82 ANTONI BONNER


T a m b e h a u r i e m d 'a feg i r t r e s o b r e s , u n a m a l a u r a d a m e n t p e r d u d a :


I I . A . l . b i s Lectura compendiosa super Artem inveniendi veritatem
1274-6 ( ? )


I I I . 20 .b i s Lectura super tertiam figuram Tabulaegeneralis 1294-6 ( ? )
I I I . L 4 Carta als jueus de Barcelona


F i n a l m e n t h a u r f e m d e d e i x a r d e b a n d a u n a o b r a q u e s e m b l a d ' a u t e n -
t ic i ta t m e s q u e d u b t o s a :


I I I . 7 6 Liberad memoriam confirmandam 1307-8-Pisa


P e r a v e u r e t o t e s a q u e s t e s o b r e s e n el s eu n o u o r d e , h e m afegit u n
l l istat c o m a a p e n d i x al final d ' a q u e s t a r t i c l e .


Pe l q u e fa a la Doctrina pueril, c o m j a h a v i a a s s e n y a l a t G r e t Sch ib a
la seva ed ic io d e 1 'obra , 2 el fet q u e a l cap i to l 8 3 , p a r a g r a f 7 , Llul l l a m e n -
ta q u e n o hi hag i c a p m o n e s t i r e n el q u a l els fu turs m i s s i o n e r s p u g u i n
a p r e n d r e Uengues , s e m b l a s i tua r 1'obra a b a n s d e la f undac io de l col- legi
de M i r a m a r l ' any 1276. F e r n a n d o D o m i n g u e z , e n u n a c o n f e r e n c i a d o -
n a d a a B a r c e l o n a , 3 i J o s e p M a r i a R u i z S i m o n , 4 t o r n e n a insis t i r e n
a q u e s t p u n t , c r e c q u e a m b r a o . A m e s a m e s , R u i z S i m o n h a a p o r t a t u n
a l t r e a r g u m e n t d e p e s . D i u q u e " L a c o s m o l o g i a d e l Liber principiorum
philosophiae, o b r a p e r t a n y e n t t a m b e al cicle d e YArs compendiosa,
p r e s e n t a , a p r i m e r c o p d ' u l l , u n a i m p o r t a n t d i f e r enc i a r e s p e c t e a la
Doctrina pueril. A q u e s t a d i f e renc ia n o es a l t r a q u e la d e 1 'aparicio de l
c o n c e p t e deforma universalis o forma prima, c o n c e p t e q u e s o b r e v i u r a
e n t o t e s les p o s t e r i o r s e v o l u c i o n s de l p e n s a m e n t c o s m o l o g i c lul- l ia
( cosa q u e , o b v i a m e n t , c o n v i d a a p e n s a r q u e el Liber principiorum phi-
losophiae, i e ls a l t r e s Libri principiorum, o n t a m b e es t r o b e n r e f e r e n -
cies a a q u e s t a e n t i t a t , s o n p o s t e r i o r s a la Doctrina pueril, o b r a q u e , e n
g e n e r a l , p r e s e n t a u n a fi losofia n a t u r a l m o l t m e s p r o p e r a a la d e l Libre
de contemplacio q u e n o la de ls Libri principiorum)."5 A l q u a l a fege ix :
" E l terminus a quo s e r i a ca . 1274, j a q u e les l l is tes d e d i g n i t a t s q u e
a p a r e i x e n e n la Doctrina pueril es c o r r e s p o n e n a la d e YArs compendio-
sa. L a d a t a c i o d e la Doctrina pueril e n t r e 1274 i 1276 s e m b l a , e v i d e n t -
m e n t , m e s a d i e n t q u e n o la p r o p o s a d a p e r B o n n e r a m b els c o n t i n g u t s
c o s m o l o g i c s d e 1 'obra" . 6


A l c a t a l e g m e n c i o n a t al p r inc ip i d ' a q u e s t a r t i c l e j o h a v i a b a s a t la
m e v a d a t a c i o d e 1 2 8 2 - 3 7 e n la f rase d e l final d e la Doctrina pueril o n


2 ENC 104 (1972), 16-17.
3 "El Libre cTamic e amat. Reflexiones en torno a Ramon Llull y su obra", conferencia donada el
marc de 1984 a la Universitat Autonoma de Bellaterra (Barcelona).
4 A la n. 30 de la seva tesina, encara sense publicar.
5 P. 50 de la copia mecanografiada de la tesina.
6 Ibid., n. 30. Vegeu-ne tambe la n. 35.
7 Veg . EL 21 (1977), 56, n. 50.




MODIFICACIONS AL CATALEG DOBRES DE RAMON LLULL 83


Llul l d i u : " O n p u s t e p a r l e , fill, d e la ce les t ia l g lo r i a , m e s t r o p e n mi d e
d e f a l l i m e n t a r e c o m p t a r e a significar la g ldr ia d e p a r a d i s ; e p e r aqo
l e x a r - m e n ' e , e p a r l a r e m de l Libre de Evast e de Blanquerna", f rase q u e
h a fet p e n s a r a m o l t s d e crf t ics 8 q u e la p r i m e r a o b r a h a v i a d ' h a v e r e s t a t
escr i ta j u s t a b a n s d e la s e g o n a . P e r o a r a e m s e m b l a m e s b e q u e q u a n
a c a b a v a la p r i m e r a o b r a t e n i a i n t enc io d e c o m e n c a r la s e g o n a , s e n s e
q u e p u g u e m t r e u r e c a p c o n c l u s i o s o b r e q u a n r e a l m e n t la v a c o m e n c a r , i
s o b r e t o t q u a n la v a e n l l e s t i r . 9


Pe l q u e fa a les Quaestiones per Artem demonstrativam seu inventi-
vam solubiles, c i t a r e u n a c a r t a q u e e m v a t r a m e t r e J o s e p M a r i a R u i z
S i m o n el 16 d e n o v e m b r e de l 1984. E x p l i c a q u e hi h a t r e s poss ib l e s
p u n t s d e p a r t e n c a p e r d a t a r 1'obra:


a. L lu l l h i c i ta les n o u d ign i t a t s d e la fase t e r n a r i a d e l ' A r t , p e r o
a feg in t -h i u n " & c . " . 1 0


b . R e m i s s i o a u n a d e les o b r e s q u e d e t e r m i n e n cicle a r t i s t i c : 1 1


V e g e t i v a sic es t c o n s i d e r a n d a , q u o d fac ta pos i t i o d e ipsa v e g e -
t a t i va sit d e m o n s t r a b i l i s s e c u n d u m Artem demonstrativam: igi-
t u r c o n s i d e r a m u s v e g e t a t i v a m s e c u n d u m Artem demonstrati-
vam i s to m o d o . . .


c. E l m a t e i x t i to l d e 1'obra.


C o m s e g u e i x e x p l i c a n t R u i z S i m o n e n la s e v a c a r t a , les d a d e s q u e e n s
f o r n e i x e n e ls d o s p r i m e r s p u n t s p o d e n s e m b l a r , a p r i m e r c o p d 'u l l c o n -
t r a d i c t o r i e s , p e l fet q u e a s e m b l a ind ica r u n a o b r a d e la fase t e r n a r i a i b
u n a d e la q u a t e r n a r i a . P e r o , d i u , m e n t r e la r emi s s io d e b ( r e p e t i d a e n
d o s a l t r e s l locs d e 1 'obra 1 2 ) e s b e n c l a r a , la ll ista d e a n o es u n a llista
t a n c a d a . T r o b a 1"' & c . " ( = etcaetera) s ignif icat iu , i a fege ix q u e si Llul l
es referfs als c o m e n c a m e n t s d e YArs inventiva veritatis, 1"' & c . " n o
t i n d r i a c a p sen t i t . T r o b a q u e e n t e , e n c a n v i , si es r e f e re ix als d e VArs
demonstrativa.


8 Vegeu Garcias Palou a EL 12 (1968), 33-45 i 201-214, com tambe E.-W. Platzeck, "Miscelanea
Luliana", Verdad y Vida 31 (1973), 394-7, on resumeix els arguments anteriors.
9 Fernando Dominguez a la seva conferencia citada mes amunt diu: "Llull escribio pues el libro
de Doctrina pueril entre 1273 y 1276. A continuacion comenzo el libro de Evast y Blaquerna que
termin6 en 1283. Contando con las posibles interrupciones del mismo debidas entre otras cosas a
su querida empresa de Miramar no cabe duda que de ocho a diez anos para escribir un libro es
algo inconcebible en Ramon Llull. El libro de Blaquerna es en todo caso una obra escrita con
calma en el necesario silencio y retiro sin prisas ni concesiones." Nomes discreparia de la data de
1273, per les raons donades per Ruiz Simon mes amunt.
10 MOG IV, 17 = Int. iii, 1. "Comen$aments de la figura A" seria el terme mes correcte, que
engloba les dignitats de D e u , les seves semblances com a comen§aments generals del m6n
creat, i al mateix temps el seu us com a comen$aments de 1'Art (principia ipsius Artis, com
diu el Beat) .




84 ANTONI BONNER


Pe l q u e fa al t i to l , s e g u e i x d i e n t , la p r e s e n c i a d e l m o t inventivam n o
h a d e s o r p r e n d r e e n u n a o b r a d e p e n e n t d e 1'Ars demonstrativa. A l
Compendium seu Comentum Artis demonstrativae e s t r o b a , p e r e x e m -
p l e , la p r e g u n t a : " Q u o m o d o es t h a e c a rs i n v e n t i v a ? " Ca l n o o b l i d a r ,
d ' a l t r a b a n d a , q u e j a la p r i m e r a o b r a d e l ' A r t es p r e s e n t a d a c o m a a r t
i n v e n t i v a {YArs compendiosa inveniendi veritatem).


T a m b e a s s e n y a l a u n a se r i e d e co inc idenc i e s e n t r e e l t r a c t a m e n t d e la
c o n s t i t u c i o de l chaos e n t r e el Compendium c i ta t m e s a m u n t i les n o s t r e s
Quaestiones, c o i n c i d e n c i e s q u e el l e c t o r p o d r a c o m p r o v a r q u a n la c i ta -
d a t e s i n a es p u b l i q u i . P e r a ixd , d i u , les n o s t r e s Quaestiones h a u r i e n
d ' e s s e r p o s t e r i o r s al Compendium, ( P a r i s 1288-9 ( ? ) ) , i a n t e r i o r s a YArs
inventiva veritatis ( M o n t p e l l e r 1 2 9 0 ) . 1 3


Convencuts per aquests raonaments de Ruiz Simon, hem decidit col-
locar 1'obra al final de 1'etapa quaternar ia , amb el numero d 'ordre
I I .B.19, i amb data de 1289 (?) .


P e l q u e fa al Libre d'Anticrist i el De adventu Messiae, s e m p r e s 'ha-
v ien co l - loca ts d ins 1 'etapa t e r n a r i a p e l fet q u e e l s e g o n c i ta e l p r i m e r , 1 4 i
el p r i m e r ci ta YArs inventiva veritatis i YArs amativa.15 A r a b e , m i r a n t
mic ro f i lms de l Libre d'Anticrist a F r e i b u r g , n o va ig p o d e r t r o b a r c a p
ci ta d e YArs amativa, e n canv i sf q u e als d o s M s s . l la t ins m e s a n t i c s 1 6


vaig t r o b a r c i tes d e YArs inventiva veritatis. P e r o e m va ig fixar q u e t a n t
al Libre d'Anticrist c o m al De adventu Messiae les d ign i t a t s a p a r e i x i e n
e n n o m b r e d e 16 , i a m b les d a r r e r e s 4 e n 1'ordre de l cicle d e YArs
compendiosa inveniendi veritatemP L l a v o r s m i r a n t 1'unic M s . m e d i e v a l
c a t a l a de l Libre d'Anticrist,ls va ig t r o b a r d u e s ci tes (a ls fols . 235 i 2 5 6 ,
es a d i r als l locs c o r r e s p o n e n t s a les c i tes d e YArs inventiva veritatis d e l s
M s s . l l a t ins ) d e YArt abreujada de trobar veritat. A i x d c o m b i n a t a m b les
16 d ign i t a t s de l p r i m e r cicle d e l ' A r t , d e m o s t r a p r o u c l a r a m e n t , e m
s e m b l a , q u e la p r i m e r a p e r s o n a q u e v a t r a d u i r 1'obra d e l c a t a l a al llatf
e s va e q u i v o c a r d e t i to l , p o s a n t Ars inventiva veritatis e n c o m p t e s d e
Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem. P e r t a n t e m s e m b l a i n n e g a b l e


1 3 Per a la data de la darrera obra, vegeu la meva "Nota suplementaria a 'Problemes de cronolo-
gia Iulliana'", EL 21 (1977), 221-4, i sobretot la n. 12.
1 4 Acaba dient: Respondens dixit se satis sufficienter cum e o disputasse et excusans se e o quod
tractaturus erat de quodam Libro quem compilavit contra Antichristum et adventum eius ad
laudem et servitium Illius qui est benedictus per omnia saecula saeculorum. A m e n . Explicit
Liber de adventu Messiae.
1 5 Segons Salzinger al N° 9 del seu cataleg a MOGI, 52 = Int. ii, 6, cites copiades per Platzeck al
N° 61 del seu cataleg.
1 6 VElectorium (Paris, Bibl. Nat . , Ms. lat. 15450) i Munic, CLM 10497, tots aos del S. XIV.
1 7 "Es a dir, "misericordia, humilitas, dominium, patientia." Vegeu la p. 40 del meu "Problemes
de cronologia lul l iana" a EL 21 (1977).
1 8 Roma, Corsiniana 1362, fols. 235-257v. Del De adventu Messiae no es conserva cap versio
catalana.




MODIFICACIONS AL CATALEG D'OBRES DE RAMON LLULL 85


q u e les d u e s o b r e s s ' h a u r i e n d e c o H o c a r d ins e l p r i m e r cicle d e l ' A r t , el
q u e d e p e n i a d e VArs compendiosa inveniendi veritatem.


Pe l q u e fa a Vlnvestigatio mixtionum generalium, h e t r o b a t q u e e n t r e
els t r e s M s s . m e d i e v a l s q u e la c o n t e n e n , u n n o t e e x p l i c i t , 1 9 u n a l t r e e n
t e u n q u e p o s a c l a r a m e n t " P a r i s - 1298" , 2 0 i e l d a r r e r t e el m a t e i x exp l i -
cit q u e el s e g o n , 2 1 p e r o a m b la d a t a d e 1398 , q u e e m s e m b l a u n e r r o r
e v i d e n t p e r a 1298. A i x i q u e h a u r i e m d e co l - locar 1'obra d ins la s e g o n a
e s t a d a d e R a m o n Llul l a P a r i s , i p e r t a n t mod i f i ca r el q u e va ig sugge r i r
a EL 2 4 (1980 ) , 82 .


Pel que fa al Cant de Ramon, es Josep R o m e u i Figueras en un article
r e c e n t 2 2 sobre el poema qui va suggerir la nova data. Bassant-se en la fa-
mosa tercera estrofa


L o m o n e s t i r d e M i r a m a r
fiu a f ra res M e n o r s d o n a r
p e r s a r r a y n s a p r e i c a r .
E n f r e la vinya-1 f e n o l a r
a m o r m e p r e s : f e -m D e u s a m a r
e-nfre sosp i r s e p l o r s e s t a r .


d i u q u e li s e m b l a q u e " la d e p r e s s i o d e Llu l l fo ra m o t i v a d a , n o p a s p e l s
f racassos d e Pa r i s s i n o , c o n c r e t a m e n t , p e r 1'estat [p reca r i o p o t s e r
j a d ' a b a n d o ] e n q u e t r o b a M i r a m a r e n r e t o r n a r a M a l l o r c a , el 1300 ,
d e s p r e s d ' u n a v i n t e n a d ' a n y s d ' a b s e n c i a . " 2 3 E n v is ta d e la i m p o r t a n c i a
d e la t a sca m i s s i o n e r a e n v ida d e R a m o n L lu l l , n o m e s p u c d i r q u e e m
t r o b t o t a l m e n t d ' a c o r d a m b l a , n o v a i n t e r p r e t a c i o d e J o s e p R o m e u . 2 4


Pe l q u e fa a la Lectura Artis quae intitulatur Brevis practica Tabulae
generalis, R u i z S i m o n t a m b e a s s e n y a l a e n u n a c a r t a q u e li s e m b l a q u e


1 9 Es VElectorium (Paris, Bibl. Nat. , Ms. lat. 15450), al qual normalment manquen fncipits i
explicits. El mateix -es clar- passa amb les dues cbpies fetes per 1'equip de Saizinger i que ara
se troben a Munic (CLM 10563 i 10576). Aixo explica per que Salzinger al seu cataleg (N°
118) no d6na el vertader explicit de 1'obra, i per que investigadors posteriors han suposat que
no en tenia.
2 0 Es el de Madrid, Bibl. Univ. 106 (S. X V ) , fols 119-131, que diu: "Factus iste tractatus ad
honorem Dei Parisius anno 1298."
2> Es el de Copenhaguen, Kgl. Bibl. , Gl. Kgl. S. 3478. 8° (S. XIV) , fols 23v-45v.
2 2 "Interpretacid del Cant de Ramon, de Llull" a Serta Philologica F. Ldzaro Carreter (Madrid:
Ediciones Catedra, 1983), pp. 449-63.
2 3 Ibid., p. 458 (les paraules entre parentesis venen de la p. 457).
2 4 Nomes discrep en un detall sense importancia. El "fonollar" del text lul-lia no sera el fonoll
mari (Crithmum maritimum) que no creix per Miramar sino a uns centenars de metres m£s avall,
ran de mar, i mai per alla en quantitats suficients per a constituir un "fonollar", sino el fonoll
comu (Foeniculum vulgare), que abunda a paratges com el de Miramar, i que precisament pot
constituir un simbol ecologic de cultius abandonats.




86 ANTONI BONNER


1'obra h a u r i a cPesser d ' u n a d a t a m e s t a r d a n a . E s b a s a e n e l fet q u e , e n
c o n t r a s t a m b la p r a c t i c a lu l - l i ana , n o r m a l a p a r t i r d e l ' any 1299, d e c i t a r
YArs generalis r e f e r in t - se a l s eu s i s t e m a e n g e n e r a l , 2 5 a q u i d iu :


In Ultima generali arte d i c i tu r d e T a b u l a , q u o d i n v e s t i g a t i o ,
q u a e sit in T a b u l a , es t in a l t io r i g r a d u s ignif icat ionis v e r i t a t u m
q u a m illa q u a e sit in F i g u r i s ; e t i s ta es t c a u s a q u a r e is te
l ibe l lus d e n o m i n a t u r a T a b u l a , e t d i c i t u r Tabulae generalis.26


Q u e a q u e s t a sigui u n a c i ta espec i f ica es p o t c o m p r o v a r c o n f r o n t a n t
u n p a s s a t g e d e la m a t e i x a Ars generalis ultima, P a r t V , D e T a b u l a , o n
d i u :


Investigatio, quae sit in Tabula , est in altiori gradu significatio-
nes veritatis quan illa quae sit in F igur i s . 2 7




Q u e d e m o s t r a q u e la c i ta d e la Lectura Artis e s l i t e ra l .
D ' a l t r a b a n d a , la d a t a c i o m e s t a r d a n a q u e a ixd i m p l i c a - s e g u e i x d i e n t


R u i z S i m o n - exp l i ca r i a la p r e s e n c i a e n 1'obra d e d o s m e c a n i s m e s a r t i s -
t ics q u e n o e s t r o b e n fins a YArs generalis ultima i YArt breu: 1 'evacuacio
d e la t e r c e r a f igura , i la mu l t i p l i c ac io d e la q u a r t a .


L ' u n i c p r o b l e m a q u e e n s q u e d a es o n ficar 1'obra e n la p r o d u c c i o
lu l - l i ana . Si la p o s a m d e s p r e s d ' a c a b a d a YArs generalis ultima i YArt
breu, i si e n s a t e n e m a 1'explicit d e 1'obra q u e d iu q u e fou a c a b a d a a
G e n o v a , h a u r i a d ' e s s e r p e l m a i g d e 1308, d e c a m i e n t r e P i sa i M o n t p e -
l l e r . 2 8 P e r o a ixo v o l d r i a d i r q u e p e r a q u e s t m e s d e m a i g h a u r i a esc r i t
quatre obres (el Liber de centum signis Dei, el Libre de clerecia -obra
d'unes 90 planes a ORL I - , YArs Dei - o b r a de 315 planes a ROL X I I I - i
la Lectura Artis -obra de 43 planes de. doble columna a MOG V ) , i aixo a
mes d 'una intensa activitat recaptant fons per a la recuperacio de la Ter ra
Santa tant a Pisa com a Genova , i viatjant de Pisa a Genova , i de Genova
a Montpe l l e r . 2 9


T a l ac t iv i t a t , f ins i t o t p e r a L lu l l , e m s e m b l a i m p r o b a b l e . P r e f e r i b l e
se r i a p e r v e n t u r a t en i r e n c o m p t e d u e s a l t r e s d a d e s . L a p r i m e r a es l ' ex-
plici t d e la Lectura Artis, q u e d i u "finivit R a i m u n d u s h a n c Lecturam in
c iv i t a te J a n u a e a n n o D o m i n i 1303 , d ia p r i m a m e n s i s F e b r u a r i i " , exp l i -
cit q u e , s e g o n s Ped ic io q u e J o r d i G a y a j a t e e n e s t a t d e p r e p a r a c i o m o l t
a v a n g a d a p e r a ROL, n o t e v a r i a n t s subs t anc i a l s e n t r e els 19 M s s . o n es


2 5 Vegeu les meves remarques a EL 24 (1980), 85.
26 MOG V, 342-3 = Int. iii, 42-3.
2 7 Ed. Margal (Palma, 1645), pp. 33-4.
2« Vegeu la Vida coetania, ap. 42 (ROL VIII) , on diu precisament que va passar un temps a
Genova de cami entre Pisa i Provenga.
2 9 Vida coetania, lloc cit.




MODIFICACIONS AL CATALEG D'OBRES DE RAMON LLULL 87


t r o b a 1'obra. A r a b e , si s 'hi h a g u e s i n t e r c a l a t u n e r r o r e n u n a d e les
p r i m e r e s c o p i e s , m e s f ac i lmen t s ' h a g u e s p r o d u i t e n la d a r r e r a xifra d e
l ' any q u e e n u n a f rase t a n l la rga i especi f ica c o m " d i a p r i m a m e n s i s
F e b r u a r i i " . L a s e g o n a d a d a es el fet q u e VArs generalis ultima es u n a d e
les p o q u e s o b r e s lu l - l ianes - s i n o 1 'unica- o n c o n s t a t a q u e va t e n i r l l a rga
g e s t a c i o : fou c o m e n g a d a a L i o pe l n o v e m b r e d e 1305 i a c a b a d a a P i sa
pe l m a r g d e 1 3 0 8 . 3 0 A i x o e n s d o n a la poss ib i l i t a t d e p e n s a r q u e la c i ta d e
la Lectura Artis fes r e f e r e n c i a a u n a o b r a e n c a r a i n a c a b a d a , poss ib i l i t a t
r e f o r c a d a pe l fet q u e els d o s m e c a n i s m e s d e l ' A r t m e n c i o n a t s d o s p a r a -
grafs m e s a m u n t a p a r e i x e n e n la Lectura Artis e n u n a f o r m a e n c a r a
b a s t a n t r u d i m e n t a r i a .


A r a b e si p r e n i m les t r e s poss ib i l i t a t s d ' e q u i v o c a c i o d ' a n y , e n s t r o -
b a m a m b 1 3 0 6 , 1 3 0 7 i 1308 . E l p r i m e r n o es i m p o s s i b l e , p e r o e m s e m b l a
m a s s a p r o p d e 1'inici d e VArs generalis ultima. E l d a r r e r e n s ob l i ga r i a a
p e n s a r q u e h a u r i a escr i t VArs brevis juris civilis p e l g e n e r de l 1308 a
M o n t p e l l e r , h a u r i a v ia t j a t a G e n o v a o n el p r i m e r d e F e b r e r a c a b a la
Lectura Artis, p e r a r e t o r n a r l l avors a M o n t p e l l e r o n e sc r igue el Liber
de venatione substantiae, accidentis et compositi p e l m a t e i x m e s d e fe-
b r e r . M e s p r o b a b l e e m s e m b l a el 1307, q u a n s ' a t u r a r i a a M o n t p e l l e r
c a m i d e M a l l o r c a i d e B u g i a , v i a t g e q u e s e m p r e s ' ha s u p o s a t q u e t i n g u e
l loc p e r la p r i m a v e r a d ' a q u e l l a n y . 3 1 A i x o i m p l i c a r i a q u e la P a r t V , D e
t a u l a , d e VArs generalis ultima, j a fou e sc r i t a p e r a q u e l l a d a t a , al m a t e i x
t e m p s q u e exp l i ca r i a u n a divis io cu r io sa e n la r e l ac io e n t r e les d u e s
o b r e s b e s s o n e s d e VA.G.U. i VArt breu (A.B.). P e r q u e , l l eva t d ' u n a
T a u l a r e d u i d a a VA.B., els t e x t s d e les P a r t s I -V d e les d u e s o b r e s son
g a i r e b e i d e n t i c s ; l l avo r s , c o m e n c a n t a m b les P a r t s V I i V I I s o b r e l ' E v a -
cuac ib d e la T e r c e r a F i g u r a i la M u l t i p l i c a c i o d e la Q u a r t a F i g u r a r e s -
p e c t i v a m e n t , s ' in ic ia u n a d i v e r g e n c i a n o t a b l e , o n VA.G.U. o fe re ix u n
t ex t n o t a b l e m e n t e x p a n d i t . A i x i p o d r i e m s u p o s a r q u e q u a n escr iv ia la
Lectura Artis p e l f e b r e r d e 1307, c i t ava u n a p a r t d e VA.G.U. q u e j a
t e n i a e n l l e s t i d a , m e n t r e s q u e q u a n hi p a r l a v a d e 1 'Evacuacio i Mul t ip l i -
cac io d e les d u e s F i g u r e s s eg i i en t s , t r a c t a v a t e m e s q u e h a v i a d e rectif i-
c a r u n a m i c a a VA.B. p e l g e n e r d e 1308 a P i s a , i d e s e n v o l u p a r l la rga-
m e n t a VA.G. U. pe l f e b r e r i marc, de l m a t e i x a n y .


F i n a l m e n t , s u p o s a n t q u e l ' any fos 1307 , t e n i m l ' exp l icac io facil d ' u n
e r r o r d e c o p i s t a . T e n i n t e n c o m p t e el c a l e n d a r i f lorentf u s a t a la C o r o n a
d ' A r a g o o n l ' any c o m e n q a v a a m b 1 'Encarnac io (25 d e m a r c j , n o m e s
h e m d e s u p o s a r q u e u n c o p i s t a v a l legir u n 8 c o m u n 3 - c o n f u s i o facil
amb l'any, que freqiientment s'escrivia en xifres arabigues- i t indrem un


3 0 Vegeu 1'explicit a l'edici6 de Margal (Palma 1645), p. 527.
3 1 Vegeu la meva obra, Selected Works, Tom I, p. 41.




ANTONI BONNER


or ig ina l q u e d e i a " a n n o D o m i n i 1308 , d ia p r i m a m e n s i s f e b r u a r i i " , q u e
e q u i v a l d r i a al p r i m e r d e f e b r e r d e 1307 e n el n o s t r e c o m p u t .


Pe l q u e fa a la Lectura compendiosa super Artem inveniendi verita-
tem, es q i ies t io d e d iv id i r e n t r e s o b r e s el q u e s e m p r e s 'ha c o n e g u t c o m
u n a sola o b r a , so t a el t i to l d e Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem.32


M i r a n t el t ex t d e MOG I , t e n i m :


(a ) Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem, p p . 433-473 = In t . vi i ,
1-41, q u e a c a b a a m b les p a r a u l e s , " E t sic es t finis is t ius c o m p e n d i i " . 3 3


(b ) Lectura compendiosa super Artem inveniendi veritatem,34 p p .
473-476 = I n t . vii , 41 -4 , q u e c o m e n c a (als M s s . ) a m b les p a r a u l e s ,
" D e u s , a d l a u d e m e t g l o r i a m t u a m , incipi t Lectura compendiosa super
Artem inveniendi veritatem" i l l avors s e g u e i x , m e s o m e n y s c o m el t ex t
d e MOG, " D e R e g u l i s , e t p r i m o d e F i g u r a S " ; i a c a b a " e t q u i a nu l l a
f o r m a artif icialis es t i ta similis f o r m a e n a t u r a l i , s icut b e a t i s s i m a c r u x " .


(c) De definitionibusprincipiorum, p p . 477-481 = In t . v i i , 45 -49 , o b -
r e t a 3 5 q u e , p e r r a o n s q u e d o n a r e m e n u n m o m e n t , c r e i m q u e e s u n a
c o m p i l a c i o esp i i r i a b a s a d a e n m a t e r i a lu l - l iana .


Pe l q u e fa a ( b ) , e m s e m b l a q u e t a n t pe l s eu fncipit - q u e p e r c e r t n o
es t r o b a a MOG- c o m p e r 1'explicit d e ( a ) , h a u r i e m d e s o s p i t a r q u e es
t r a c t a d ' u n a o b r a a p a r t . A q u e s t fet e s t r o b a c o n f i r m a t p e r la pos ic io d e
(b ) als M s s . , o n d e v e g a d e s (4 ca sos ) s egue ix ( a ) , d e v e g a d e s el p r e c e -
de ix (2 c a s o s ) , d e v e g a d e s es t r o b a t o t sol (2 casos ) o n o m e s segu i t d e
(c) (2 c a s o s ) , i u n a v e g a d a es t r o b a p r e c e d i t d e ( a ) i ( c ) . A i x i q u e pe l s
e sc r ivans es t r a c t a v a e v i d e n t m e n t d ' u n a o b r a i n d e p e n d e n t , p e r b e q u e
e s t r e t a m e n t r e l a c i o n a d a a m b ( a ) . P e r t a n t c o i n c i d e s c a m b J o s e p P e r a r -
n a u 3 6 q u e n o s a l t r e s t a m b e 1 'haur iem d e t r a c t a r c o m a u n a o b r a i n d e p e n -
d e n t , c o n s e r v a n t el s eu t i to l p e r e l la so la , i s u p r i m i n t el s u b t i t o l s imi la r
d e VArs universalis q u e e s t r o b a a M O G , i q u e s e m b l a u n a i n v e n c i o (o
e r r o r ) d e S a l z i n g e r . 3 7


Pe l q u e fa a ( c ) , j a h e sugge r i t q u e 1'obra e m s e m b l a v a s o s p i t o s a , 3 8


a s s e n y a l a n t q u e e s 1'iinica o b r a , e n t r e u n a c i n q u a n t e n a , a n t e r i o r a VArs
3 2 Divisio ja suggerida per Josep Perarnau a l'article "Consideracions diacrdniques entorn dels
manuscrits lul l ians medievals de la 'Bayerische Staatsbibliothek' de Munic", ATCA 2 (1983),
160-2.
3 3 Aixi als millors Mss.; el text de MOG diu, "Et sic est finis istius Artis Compendiosae".
3 4 "Titol que Salzinger va suposar que s'havia d'aplicar com a subtitol de VArs universalis que
seguia a VArs compendiosa inveniendi veritatem a MOG I, suposici6 no confirmada per cap Ms.
medieval, que sempre apliquen aquest titol a 1'obra impresa com a part de VArs compendiosa.
En canvi, el titol que posa Salzinger a 1'obra que imprimeix com a part de VArs compendiosa
-De Regulis Artis compendiosae inveniendi veritatent- es pura invenci6 seva; no es troba a cap
Ms. medievah
55 Que de vegades ha merescut catalogacio a part, com el N" 3a del cataleg de Platzeck.
36 Vegeu els seus raonaments a 1'article citat a la n. 32 mes amunt.
37 Vegeu la n. 34 mes amunt.
38 A EL 21 (1977), 58, n. 91.




MODIFICACIONS AL CATALEG D'OBRES DE RAMON LLULL 89


inventiva veritatis d e 1290 q u e t ingu i de f in i c ions , i a ixo b e n al p r inc ip i
d e la p r o d u c c i o a r t i s t ica lu l - l i ana . A m e s a m e s , 1 'obreta t e les m a t e i x e s
p a r a u l e s de f in ides d u e s i fins a t r e s v e g a d e s ( p e r e x e m p l e , sapientia,
perfectio i voluntas t e n e n t r e s def in ic ions c a d a u n a ) ; t e de f in ic ions d ' u -
n a p u e r i l i t a t p o c lu l - l iana ( " P e r f e c t i o es t id p e r q u o d e n t i a s u n t pe r f ec -
t a " ) ; i t e el d a r r e r a p a r t a t (Definitiones XXX Modorum Specialium) e n
o r d e a l f abe t i c , p r o c e d i m e n t t a n p o c u s u a l q u e a la Taula d'esta Art Llul l
t r o b a q u e h a d e d o n a r exp l i cac ions (ORL X V I I , 389) d e c o m al ld es
m a n e j a . D e m e s p e s e n c a r a es la r a o p e r la q u a l n o t r o b a m def in ic ions
a b a n s d e 1290; es p e r q u e les def in ic ions lu l - l ianes es b a s e n e n la i d e a
d ' e s senc i e s c o n s t i t u i d e s p e r la t r i log ia d e m a t e r i a - f o r m a - c o n j u n c i o ,
i d e a p l a s m a d a e n la t e o r i a de l s c o r r e l a t i u s i 1'activitat d e les d ign i t a t s
d iv ines , x a r x a d e c o n c e p t e s q u e n o fou d e s e n v o l u p a d a fins a finals d e la
d e c a d a de l s 1 2 8 0 . 3 9 A ix i q u e u n a def in ic io c o m " B o n i t a s es t e n s , r a t i o n e
cu ius b o n u m agi t b o n u m " e s u n a n a c r o n i s m e e n u n a o b r a t e d r i c a m e n t
esc r i t a p o c d e s p r e s d e la i l - l uminac io d e 1274.


E l q u e n o e s p o t a s s e v e r a r es q u e t o t e l m a t e r i a l q u e c o n t i n g u i (c)
sigui apocr i f . C r e c m e s b e q u e e s t r a c t a d ' u n a c o m p i l a c i o m e d i e v a l 4 0 d e
m a t e r i a l a u t e n t i c b a r r e j a t a m b coses e s p u r i e s , u n a m e n a d e potpourri
esco l a r d e s t i n a t a 1 ' en senyamen t d e l ' A r t , i p e r t a n t r e l a c i o n a d a a m b el
Liber de universalibus , 4 1 e l Libre de definicions , 4 2 i a l t r e s o b r e t e s s imi-
la rs q u e e n c a r a d o r m e n pe l s m a n u s c r i t s .


L a Lectura super tertiam figuram Tabulae generalis es u n a o b r a , la
p r e s e n c i a d e la q u a l a u n M s . d e B r u s s e l - l e s 4 3 j a h a v i a e s t a t a s s e n y a l a d a
p e r H e l m u t R i e d l i n g e r , 4 4 s e n s e s a b e r b e n b e si e r a u n a o b r a a u t e n t i c a o
n o . C o m e n c a a m b la i n v o c a c i o " D e u s , in t u a v i r t u t e e t g r a t i a incipi t
Lectura super tertiam figuram Tabulae generalis, e t c " , i s egue ix a m b el
v e r t a d e r incipit " D i v i d i t u r h a e c l e c t u r a in t r e s p a r t e s . " A m e s a m e s ,
1'obra s e m b l a v a q u e a c a b a v a a m i g camf, a m b la f rase : " S o l u t i o : E x i s -
t e n t e l oco i n s t r u m e n t o b o n i t a t i q u o d ipsa poss i t in se ipsa m a g n i t u d i -
n e m . " P e r o va ig t r o b a r u n a c o n t i n u a c i o a u n M s . d e V i e n a , 4 5 la p r i m e r a
p a r t de l q u a l (fols 89v-104) c o r r e s p o n e x a c t a m e n t als d a r r e r s folis


3 9 Per als correlatius, vegeu J. Gaya, La teoria luliana de los correlativos (Palma, 1979), a les pp.
154, 183, 191 i 218 es trobara tractaments de la teoria definitdria lul-liana.


4 0 Es troba a 4 Mss. medievals i 2 moderns.
4 1 Tambe conegut com a Introductorium magnae Artis generalis; vegeu Fedicio recent a ROL
XII (1984), 139-69.
4 2 Vegeu-ne 1'edicio tambe recent de Lola Badia a la "Biblioteca Humanitas de Textos Inddi-
tos", 2 (Barcelona, 1983), i sobretot la important introduccio on parla d'aquesta mena de "petit
tractat lul-lia o para-lul-lia, farcit de rifacimenti i d'interpolacions i, per tant, aberrant pel que fa
als diversos testimonis de la tradicio lul-liana."
4 3 Bibliotheque Royale , Fonds general, 2955 ( S . X V ) , 18-23v.
4 4 A ROL V , 165-6.
4 5 Osterreiches Nazionalbibliothek, Cod. 2529 (S. X V ) , 89v-190.




90 ANTONI BONNER


(19 rb -23vb) de l t ex t d e Brusse l - l e s . L l a v o r s s e g u e i x , c o m p l e t a n t les fa-
m o s e s " r e g l e s " lu l - l ianes (el t ex t d e B r u s s e M e s a c a b a a m b la s e p t i m a ) ,
a r r i b a n t a u n final q u e d iu : " D i c t u m es t d e regu l i s q u a e i n v i c e m o m n e s
misce r i d e b e n t , e t e t i a m c u m pr inc ip i i s u t ve r i t a s dub i i q u a e inves t iga -
m u s nos t r i s i n t e l l ec t ibus c l a r a e p a t e a t , e t c . I s t a e r e g u l a e s u n t u n a p a r t i -
cu la p r i m a e pa r t i s Lectura super tertiam figuram Tabulae generalis."46


H e de confessar que aixo de "sunt una particula pr imae part is" em te
intrigat. ^Trobarem una altra part de 1'obra un dia? seria un cas
d 'una continuacio que Llull tenia intencio d'escriure, sense mai haver-ho
fet? D e tota manera sembla que tenim aqui almenys la primera part d 'una
obra que correspondria al Liber de tertia figura que apareix amb el N° 23
al famos cataleg de la Myes ier , 4 7 amb el N° 18 al cataleg redactat per Ni-
colau de C u s a , 4 8 , i amb el N° 22 al cataleg de Charles de Bouvel les . 4 9 Es
clar que es la mateixa que 1'obra intitulada Lectura alia super tertia figura
eiusdem al cataleg de P r o a z a . 5 0


D e l s ca t a l egs d e le M y e s i e r i P r o a z a p a s s a als a l t r e s c a t a l e g s an t i c s .
P e r o el p r i m e r ca t a l eg m o d e r n q u e m e n c i o n a 1'obra e s el d e P l a t z e c k ,
q u e li d o n a el m i m e r o 7 4 a , s u p o s a n t q u e f o r m a u n a p a r t d e la Lectura
super Artem inventivam et Tabulam generalem.51 P e r 6 ell m a t e i x r e c o -
ne ix q u e 1'incipit n o c o r r e s p o n al q u e d o n a P r o a z a , i n o s a l t r e s p o d e m
a f i r m a r q u e t a m p o c n o c o r r e s p o n a 1'obra q u e h e m d e s c o b e r t .


Aixi sembla que ens t robam amb una obra genuina de Llull, una obra
que pel seu titol i contingut probablement s'hauria de situar als anys que
segueixen la composicio de la Taula general, i es per aixo que li hem donat
la data provisional de 1294-6, seguida d 'un punt d ' interrogaci6.


Q u a n t a la Carta als savis jueus de Barcelona, fa t r e n t a a n y s q u e e s v a
d o n a r a c o n e i x e r a m b la pub l i cac id d e 1 ' inventar i d e " L a b i b l i o t e c a d e
J o a n B o n l l a v i , m e m b r e d e 1'escola lul- l is ta d e Valer ic ia al seg le X V I "


4 6 El text que es troba a continuacid, al verso del foli 109 del Ms. de Viena, no forma part de
1'obra, com al principi vaig creure, sin6 que es tracta, segons sembla, d'uns comentaris fets per
qualque lul-lista sobre la definicio luMiana i sobre les cent formes.
4 7 Vegeu J. N. Hillgarth, Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth-Century France (Oxford, 1971),
pp. 336-7, i ROL VIII, 305.
4 8 Publicat a M. Honecker, Lullus-Handschriften aus dem Besitz des Kardenals Nikolaus von
Cues, "Gesammelte Aufssatze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens" 6 (Miinster, 1937), p. 279.
4 9 Vegeu J. M. Victor, "Charles de Bovelles and Nicholas de Pax: T w o Sixteenth-Century Bio-
graphies of Ramon Lull", Traditio 32 (1976), 324. El cataleg aparegue en un tom publicat a
Paris el 1511 (vegeu R D 45) , i 6s clarament un calc dei cataleg de le My6sier de dos segles abans.
5 0 Al foli 220v de la seva antologia lul l iana apareguda a Valencia Pany 1515 (veg. R D 53) .
L"'alia" i l'"eiusdem" es refereixen al titol tres numeros mis amunt, que diu Lectura super
eadem, referint-se al numero anterior, que es la Tabula generalis. A m6s a m£s, Proaza dona
1'incipit correcte de "Dividitur haec lectura".
5 1 La part que comencja al MOG V , 401 = Int. v, 43 .




MODIFICACIONS AL CATALEG D'OBRES DE RAMON LLULL 91


p e r R o s a l i a G u i l l e u m a s i J o s e p M . a M a d u r e l l . 5 2 A l N° 168 de l seu ca t a -
l e g 5 3 e s l legeix: " I t e m u n a l t re l ib re o q u e r e n [es a d i r , q u e r n o q u a d e r n ]
s ens t i to l , scri t e n vu lga r , en p r e g a m i , lo q u a l c o m e n c e : A l s savis j u e u s
d e B a r c e l o n a , m e s t r e A b r a m D e n a n e t , e m e s t r e A r o n , y m e s t r e B e n
J u a S a l a m o n , y a l t res savis q u e s 6 n e n la a l j a m a , R a m o n Lu l l s a l u t s . "
E l s a u t o r s d e 1'article c o m e n t e n 5 4 q u e " t o t s t r e s p e r s o n a t g e s h e b r e u s
e s t a n d o c u m e n t a t s a B a r c e l o n a , d e 1'aljama d e la q u a l e r e n f igures im-
p o r t a n t s : e s t r a c t a d e S a l o m o d e n A b r a h a m o d e n A d r e t [ t a m b e D e n a -
dret o Benadre t ] , de Aaron ha Levi o de Na Clara, i de Bonjuha Salo-
m o . " 5 5


Pe l q u e fa a 1 'autent ici ta t de l Liber ad memoriam confirmandam, e m
l im i t a r e a c i t a r u n a r t i c le d e F e r n a n d o D o m i n g u e z d e p r 6 x i m a a p a r i -
c i o . 5 6 A l l a d i u :


L a s r a z o n e s q u e se p u e d e n a d u c i r c o n t r a la a u t e n t i c i d a d lu l i ana d e
e s t a o b r a s o n las s i gu i en t e s :


1) E l expl ic i t d e la o b r a , a p e s a r d e la c l a r a i nd i cac ion d e l u g a r , n o
especi f ica ni el m e s ni el a n o e n q u e fue c o m p u e s t a , c o m o es n o r m a e n
las o b r a s lu l i anas .


2 ) L a t r a d i c i o n m a n u s c r i t a e s m u y t a r d i a (a p a r t i r de l s. X V I ) y los
m a n u s c r i t o s c o n t i e n e n o t r a s o b r a s apoc r i f a s .


3) E s t a o b r a n o a p a r e c e e n n i n g u n o d e los c a t a l o g o s lu l i anos an t i -
g u o s . E l p r i m e r t e s t i m o n i o es e l c a t a l o g o d e la B i b l i o t e c a d e P o b l e t d e
m e d i a d o s de l s. X V I .


4 ) E n e s t e o p u s c u l o n o se c i ta n i n g u n a o b r a lu l i ana y , al c o n t r a r i o , se
c i ta r e i t e r a d a y d e c i s i v a m e n t e u n a p o c r i f o Liber de septem planetarum.


5) E l a u t o r c i t a el Liber parabolarum d e A l a i n d e L i l l e , a u t o r i d a d
q u e Llu l l n u n c a c i ta y d u d o s a m e n t e c o n o c i a .


6 ) D i c c i o n y v o c a b u l a r i o d e m u e s t r a n al a u t o r c o m o b u e n c o n o c e d o r
de l d i s c u r s o l u l i a n o , sin e m b a r g o se e n c u e n t r a n p u n t o s q u e e s t a n m u y
l e jo s d e p r o c e d e r d e la p l u m a d e R a m o n : L a regulae e n l u g a r d e n u e v e


5 2 Revista Valenciana de Filologia 4 (1954), 23-73.
5 3 Ibid., p. 66.
5 4 Ibid., p. 48.
55 per a altres comentaris sobre 1'obra i els tres jueus mencionats, vegeu l'edici6 de J. M. Millas
Vallicrosa de El "Liber predicationis contra judeos" de Ramdn Lull (Madrid-Barcelona, 1957),
p. 21; 1'article de E. Colomer, "Ram6n Llull y el judaismo en el marco hist6rico de la Edad
Media hispana", EL 10 (1966), p . 42; el llibre de D . Urvoy, Penser 1'Islam. Les presupposes
islamiques de l"'Art" de Lull (Paris, 1980), p. 96; i J. Cohen, "The Christian Adversary of
Solomon ibn Adret", The Jewish Quarterly Review, N e w Series 71 (1980), 48-55, on Pautor
identifica el primer dels tres jueus mencionats a la carta amb 1'adversari de Ramon Marti men-
cionat ai Liber de acquisitione Terrae Sanctae de Ramon Llull.
5 6 "In civitate Pisana, in monasterio sancti Domnini . Algunas observaciones sobre la estancia de
Ram6n Llull en Pisa (1307-1308)" que es publicara a Traditio.


>




9 2 - ANTONI BONNER


s o n c u a t r o y se I l a m a n nomina. E x p o s i c i 6 n con fusa d e la evacuatio ( j ha -
b la d e u n a evacuatio secundae figurael) y multiplicatio q u e e s t a n c l a r a -
m e n t e e x p u e s t a s e n e l Ars brevis y Ars generalis ultima. E l l e c t o r a t e n t o
p o d r a e n c o n t r a r o t r o s m u c h o s e j e m p l o s .


7 ) E l m i s m o R o s s i , e d i t o r d e l o p u s c u l o , 5 7 q u e h a a n a l i z a d o e l t e x t o e n
p r o f u n d i d a d , r e c o n o c e q u e la o b r a se d i f e r enc i a " i n m i s u r a n o t e v o l e "
d e o t r o s t e x t o s l u l i a n o s s o b r e e l t e m a d e la m e m o r i a , y l l a m a la a t e n -
c ion s o b r e a l g u n o s p u n t o s d e l l i b ro q u e " n o n p o s s o n o n o n i n d u r r e a
m o l t a c a u t e l a " .


8) Sobre la memoria escribi6 Llull en Pisa en terminos que tienen poco
que ver con la obrita en cues t ion . 5 8


A 1'article q u e a c a b d e c i t a r , t o t a i xo v e a c o m p a n y a t d ' u n a a b u n d a n -
cia d e n o t e s q u e r e f o r c e n n o t a b l e m e n t els a r g u m e n t s d e F e r n a n d o D o -
m i n g u e z , a r g u m e n t s q u e e m s e m b l e n de l t o t e n c e r t a t s .


L L I S T A T D ' O B R E S


e n 1'orde p r o p o s a t e n a q u e s t a r t i c le ( n u m e r o n o u , n u m e r o vel l e n t r e
c l a u d a t o r s , t i t o l , d a t a i l loc)


I I . A . l . b i s Lectura compendiosa super Artem inveniendi veritatem
1274-6 ( ? )


I I . A . 3 . b i s [ I I . A . 1 6 ] Doctrinapueril 1274-6 ( ? )
I I . A . 1 9 [111.4] Libre d'Anticrist 1274-83 ( ? )
I I . A . 2 0 [111.5] De adventu Messiae 1274-83 ( ? )
I I . B . 1 9 [111.3] Quaestiones per Artem demonstrativam seu inventivam


solubiles 1289 ( ? )
I I I . 2 0 . b i s Lectura super tertiam figuram Tabulae generalis 1294-6 ( ? )
I I I . 3 0 . b i s [111.17] Investigatio mixtionum generalium 1298-Par i s
I I I . 4 3 . b i s [111.34] CantdeRamon 1 3 0 0 - M a l l o r c a
I I I . 7 6 . b i s [111.54] Lectura Artis quae intitulatur Brevispractica Tabulae


generalis 1 F e b 1 3 0 7 - G e n o v a
I I I . L 4 Carta als jueus de Barcelona


Antoni BONNER


Puigpunyent (Mallorca)


57 A la Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia 19 (1958), 273-279, i a 1'Apendix I del seu llibre
Clavis universalis. Arti mnemoniche e logica combinatoria da Lullo a Leibniz (Mila-Napols,
1960), pp. 261-270.


5 8 A VArs generalis ultima, Part X, Art. 100: D e memoria per principia deducta; i Art. 101: D e
memoria per regulas deducta (Palma: ed. Marcal, 1645), pp. 406-410.




EL 2 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) , 9 3 - 9 7


R. C A N T A V E L L A


L A D O N A A L S T E X T O S D E L L U L L


Ja deia Lola Badia l'any 1981 que el tema de la dona en la literatura
catalana medieval oferia un camp immens, encara per treballar. Ella hi va
fer una primera aproximacio amb el seu article sobre els personatges
d 'Aloma i Na tana . 1 El 83, dos anys mes tard, surt el treball d 'Armand
Llinares en una obra co l lec t iva 2 . H e m de celebrar, doncs, que ja comen-
cen a apareixer analisis d 'aquest terreny i, en concret , de la dona als tex-
tos de Llull.


A causa, pe rb , de la immensitat de 1'obra lul-liana, aquests treballs
apunten nomes 1'inici de la possible recerca i, en oferir-nos-en una prime-
ra apfoximacib, un primer esbos del tema, presenten a la nostra conside-
racib mes interrogants que no respostes. De tota manera , els dos textos
coincideixen en una mateixa conclusio: el t ractament atfpic, dins el seu
context historic i literari, de la dona en Llull.


El text de Llinares que ens ocupa s'inicia constatant com per a 1'autor
mallorqui no hi ha uniformitat en el tracte femenf: a la seua obra t robem
des de la vulgar fembra a la dona (senyora), passant per la donzella, la
muller (esposa) , la mare i la regina. La utilizacib d'un o altre terme vindra
determinada per les referencies diverses que donen suport als quatre apar-
tats de 1'article:


' Lolu Btulia, "A propdsil dels moilels liieraris lulliuns ile iu donu: Nalana i Aloma". Esiudi general
(Revisla dcl Collegi Universitari de Girona) II (1981), 23-28.


: Armand Llinares, "La femmc chez Raymond Lullc". al llihre Lu femme dans la pensee espagnolc
(Paris, 1983), 23-37.




94 R. CANTAVELLA


a) L'experiencia que te Llull de les dones.
b) Els personatges de les seues novel-les.
c) Les al-legories de forma femenina.
d) La Mare de Deu .


Sota el primer epfgraf, Llinares ens remet a les confessions lu l l ianes
contingudes al Llibre de contemplacid, sobre la seua vida abans de la con-
versio i la seua especial propensio a la luxuria 3 . Es curios de constatar
com en aquestes declaracions Llull no responsabilitza dels seus pecats les
dones que ha conegut, en una epoca en que es un Uoc comu parlar de la
culpa femenina en la caiguda del bard (^no va recorrer ja Adam a aquesta
excusa?). ^Obeeix aquesta actitud a un gest de cortesia? De cortesia, res ;
el nostre autor , des de la seua conversio, abandona de manera absoluta i
definitiva la filosofia implicita en els models literaris profans. Mes aviat
haurem de considerar que aquestes confessions responen a la voluntat sin-
cera de Llull de no defugir la total responsabilitzacio per la seua anterior
vida de pecat.


El que mes arriba a dir sobre la intervencio femenina es que "la be-
llea de les fembres es estada pestilencia i tribulacio a mos ulls, car per la
bellea de les fembres som estat oblidos de la vostra gran bonea e de la
bellea de les vostres obres . " Facilment s'hi observa un capgirament de
sentit del topos poetic que considera que 1'amor entra pels sentits corpo-
rals, i fonamentalment la bellesa a traves dels ulls 4 .


Si be Lull ens dona una mostra mes de consideracio cap a les dones
inculpant els joglars com a mitjancers en les relacions amoroses corteses
(fora interessant d'aprofundir en aquest possible paper alcavot), no per
aixo hem de creure que el nostre autor salva tot el col lec t iu femeni; en
quant que per a ell no son totes iguals, n'hi troba de bones i de dolentes.
Llinares ens aporta una mostra de la caracteritzacio de les dolentes - sem-
pre al Libre de contemplacio-, que Llull construeix a partir d 'un topic
classic als textos misogins: els afaits femenins, dissimuladors del color na-
tural que Deu ha donat a la dona , i, per tant , condemnables .


Llinares inclou tambe dins aquest apartat -experiencia lu l l iana amb
les d o n e s - la caracteritzacio d 'una serie de tipus femenins dins els exem-
ples apareguts a diverses obres. L 'autor de 1'article pensa que aquests per-
sonatges il-lustren tambe sobre la "comprensio" per part de Llull del sexe
femeni, i la disculpa de les seues debilitats. Pero crec que va massa lluny


1 Llinares ens en dona uns quants exemples, pero es una llastima quc no hi apareguen les referen-
cies cn la llcngua original dels textos. Sobre la luxuria al Libre de contemplacio cs pot consultar tambe
la mostra que ofereix Lola Badia a la nota 2 de 1'article esmentat.


4 Aixo matcix ho podcm veure als seus Hroverbis. El generc proverbial scmpre conte al-lusions
variades a la perillositat de la dona; Llull s'hi limitara a comentar quc l'home ha de fugir de la contem-
placio de la bellesa femenina.




LA DONA ALS TEXTOS DE LLULL 95


en voler extreure conclusions generals cTaquests personatges que son pura-
ment anecdotics. ^Se'n pot t reure una opinio general d'uns caracters que
tenen en la narracio una funcionalitat puntual , que depenen del context?
Llinares diu . . ."la liberte de la femme, dans ce domaine [la "liberation
sexuelle"] apparai t chez Lulle plus grande que celle de l ' homme" (p. 26).
Ara be , ^com podia un home del segle XIII considerar que la dona devia
tenir, no ja igual llibertat sexual que el barb (cosa que en si semblaria
dificil de creure) , sinb encara mes? Potser Llull, per la seua experiencia
directa de la vida "mundana" (a la qual molts altres moralistes no tindrien
acces, o be coneixerien superficialment), sabes advertir les circumstancies
que portaven la dona a sucumbir a la luxiiria -mit jancers eficagos, necessi-
tat de d iners . . . - , i aleshores per aquest motiu no la fa linica responsable,
pero no veig que per aixb li puga perdonar i fins i tot justificar les caigu-
des. Les actituds i opinions de la "vella luxuriosa", de la "folla fembra"
que necessita diners, e t c , no tenen per que coincidir en res amb les
creences del propi autor . En paraules de Lola Badia, "dificilment, pe ro ,
podr iem entreveure en figures com aquestes models femenins; la seva fun-
cionalitat immediata els treu qualsevol altra possible d imens io" 5 .


U n a altra cosa ben diferent sbn els comentaris que el mateix Llull fa
directament o a traves d 'una figura exemplar (un ermita, per exemple) ,
sobre aspectes referents a les dones. Aixf, la idea que 1'ociositat femenina
porta a mals pensaments i, com a consequencia, a males accions - ac i co-
mentada a proposit d 'Aloma (p. 29) - , que tambe es un topos present als
tractats sobre educacio femenina. Sens dubte , aquest concepte es pot rela-
cionar amb 1'anecdota de VArbre de ciencia sobre com 1'acedia es manifes-
ta en les dones nobles (les mes desfeinades) en forma de luxiiria (p. 26).


L'opinib de com entre 1'enveja i la luxiiria 1'home mostra una major
preferencia per la primera i la dona per la segona, es una nova mostra de
1'originalitat de LIull, ja que generalment els textos morals que tracten de
la dona no li solen reconeixer menor propensib a cap dels vicis: ella els te
tots . Tambe sbn singulars els motius que , per al nostre autor , justifiquen
aquell fet; primer, que "aucune femme ne recherche 1'argent autant qu 'un
h o m m e " , amb la qual cosa contradiu el topic de 1'avarfcia femenina, i se-
gon, que " toute volonte contrainte desire etre l ibre" (pp. 26-27). Aquesta
darrera afirmacio referida a la dona es encara mes sorprenent que la pri-
mera: un dels arguments mes emprats per la literatura misogina, des de
1'epoca classica, per demostrar la inconsistencia del caracter femenf en ge-
neral , es 1'afirmacib que les dones sempre volen portar la contraria perque
si. L'afirmacib lul-liana canvia el sentit de 1'actitud, significant-hi el desig
de llibertat. H e m d'agrair a Llinares que ens haja mostrat aquesta opinib
lul-liana realment insblita a la seua epoca.


5 Lola Badia, ob. cit., p. 25.




96 R. CANTAVELLA


Respecte a 1'apartat dedicat als personatges femenins mes importants
de les narracions, Aloma i Natana , poc tenim a comentar sobre les obser-
vacions de Llinares: efectivament, representen 1'ideal femeni de mare i es-
posa, la primera, i de religiosa, la segona. E n tot cas, haur iem d'afegir-ne
les anotacions de Lola Badia sobre el fet que no son dones passives, sino
plenament actives, valentes i combatives quan cal, capaces d 'entendre
"raons subtils" i de discursejar amb habilitat, fet si no insolit, almenys es-
trany. De tota manera , Llull no pot prescindir de la tradicional associacio
patristica home-racionali tat , dona-emotivitat , cosa que fa que actualment
puguem comprendre millor la psicologia de Natana que la del fredfssim
Blanquerna . 6


Respecte a 1'apartat segiient, les al-legories de forma femenina, el te-
ma es complica molt mes. Els personatges femenins de les virtuts, per
exemple, ^son virtuosos perque apareixen en forma de dona, o perque en-
carnen precisament les virtuts? La figura masculina o femenina de 1'abs-
traccio, em sembla, no pot tenir una motivacio mes essencial que la mor-
fologia lingiiistica: si el concepte s'expressa en femeni, sera femenina, i si
en masculi , masculina (recordem, per exemple, com Blanquerna troba
dues dames , Fe i Veritat , que es dirigeixen a veure el seu germa Enteni-
ment , home per tant .) U n a altra cosa, aixo si, es que Llull en parle amb
una delicadesa fruit de la seua experiencia trobadoresca anterior. Perque
aquestes abstraccions femenines de vegades son presentades com a donze-
lles (les tres facultats de 1'anima), pero generalment s'hi tracta de senyo-
res, "domnes" .


Quin motiu s 'amaga rere la propensio de Llull a personalitzar tan so-
vint en dones diversos conceptes abstractes? La justificacio de Llinares es
temptadora , sobretot a proposit de la figura de Filosofia d 'Amor : "Qui ,
mieux qu 'une femme, pourrait personnifier cette philosophie, cette sages-
se?" (p. 35) I mes si tenim en compte que , com hem dit, dona i emotivitat
son una mateixa cosa per als medievals. Pero recordem que Filosofia de
Saber, que representa la racionalitat sense amor , tambe es dona! Malaura-
dament no tenim proves suficients per pensar que , per a Llull, "mieux en-
core et plus que 1'homme, pourrait-on dire, elle est avant tout une a m e . "
^Sera simplement aquesta presencia femenina encarnant 1'abstraccio, un
mitja mes del nostre autor per amenitzar el seu discurs teoric?


Respecte al darrer apar ta t , referent a la Mare de D e u , cap sorpresa:
ella ocupa el lloc que , en 1'anterior vida mundana , corresponia a les da-
mes que Llull havia conegut. Es la destinataria de multitud de poemes que
conserven 1'estructura i llocs comuns (la natura marc de 1'amor, 1'excepcio-
nalitat de 1'estimada, fins i tot el tema de 1'alba...) dels referents t robado-


6 Lo1a Badia. ob. cit., pp. 23. i 25-28.




LA DONA ALS TEXTOS DE LLULL
()7


rescos en els quals devia tenir bona practica Llull. No podia ser menys: si
els t robadors contemporanis - c o m Cerverf de G i r o n a - dedicaven trobes a
Maria , per que no ell?


En conclusio, 1'article de Llinares ve a ajudar-nos a veure , una volta
mes , 1'original punt de vista lul-lia. Es cert que 1'autor mallorqui accepta
una certa quantitat de topoi presents a la literatura misogina cristiana: la
luxuria femenina, la malignitat dels afaits, la idea que la dona no ha d'es-
tar ociosa.. . Pero tambe en contradiu clarament d 'al tres, com 1'enveja i
1'avarfcia femenines, la idea que la dona no ha de tenir cap poder de deci-
sib (Aloma es una administradora modelica de sa casa), i, sobretot , la vo-
lubilitat femenina, explicada com la rebel-lib d 'un esser oprimit.


R. CANTAVELLA


C/ Menendez y Pelayo, 41A-9
46010 Valencia






B I B L I O G R A F I A L U L L I S T I C A 1984-5 |


1. E D I C I O N S , A N T O L O G I E S I T R A D U C C I O N S D ' O B R E S L U L -
L I A N E S


1) R A I M U N D I L U L L I O P E R A LATLNA, Tomus XI I , 123-127, Barcino-
ne, in Monte Pessulano, Pisis annis MCCCV-MCCCVIII composita, ed. Aloi-
sius Madre , "Corpus Chris t ianorum, Continuat io Mediaevalis" X X X V I I I
(Turnhout , Belgica: Brepols , 1984), xlvii + 396 pp .


Conte 1'edicid critica de les segiients obres:
123 - Liber praedicationis contra judaeos
124 - Liber de trinitate et incamatione
125 - Liber de universalibus
126 - Ars brevis
127 - Ars brevis, quae est de inventione juris
Ressenyat a continuacib i a ATCA 4 (1985), 470-1


2) R A I M U N D I L U L L I O P E R A L A T I N A , Tomus XII I , 134, Ars compen-
diosa Dei, in Monte Pessulano anno MCCCVIII composita, ed. Manuel Bauza
Ochogavia, "Corpus Chris t ianoeum, Continuat io Mediaevalis" X X X I X
(Turnhout , Belgica: Brepols , 1985), xx + 339 pp .


Conte" 1'edicib critica de 1'iinica obra:
134 - Ars compendiosa Dei
Ressenyat a continuaci6


3) Selected Works ofRamon Llull (1232-1316), ed. i t rad. per Anthony Bon-
ner , 2 vols. , (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1985), xxxi +
1330 pp .




100 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


Conte traduccions angleses de les seguents obres:
Vida coetania
Libre del gentil e dels tres savis
Art demostrativa
Art breu


Felix, o el Libre de meravelles
Comenqaments de medicina
Flors d'amors e flors d'entel-ligencia


i un cataleg cronoldgic de les obres de R a m o n Llull
Ressenyat a continuaci6


4) Lola Badia , Literatura catalana medieval. Seleccio de textos (Barcelona:
Empur ies , 1985), 299 pp .


Conte fragments de sis obres lul-lianes:
1. Libre de contemplacio en Deu
2. Libre d'Amic e Amat
3. Libre d'Evast e Blanquerna
4. Libre de les besties
5. Libre de meravelles
6. Arbre de filosofia d'amor


i una obra sencera:
7. Cant de Ramon


5) R A I M U N D U S L U L L U S , Die neue Logik - Logica Nova, ed. del text
llati per Charles Lohr , t rad. a 1'alemany per V. Hosle i W. Biichel, proleg de
Vittorio Hosle (Hamburg : Felix Meiner Verlag, 1985), xciv i 317 pp .


Ressenyat a continuaci6


6) Phantasticus (Disputa del clergue Pere i de Ramon, elfantdstic) de R a m o n
Llull, ed . i t rad. de Lola Badia , "Stelle de lPOrsa" (Barcelona, 1985), 165 p p .


Publicam 1'assaig introductori en aquest mateix ni imero de EL.


7) R A M O N L L U L L , Libro de amigo y Amado, t rad . de Mar t in de Riquer ,
introd. de Lola Badia , "Clasicos Universales P lane ta" (Barcelona, 1985),
lii + 92 pp .


8) A . Ll inares , A . J . G o n d r a s , " R a y m o n d Lulle. Affatus", Archives d'Histoi-
re Doctrinale et Litteraire du Moyen Age, A n n e e 1984 (1985), 269-297.


Ressenyat a continuaci6


9) Ylistdn rakastettuani (Libre d'Amich e Amat), t rad . al finlandes amb pro-
leg de Seppo A . Te inonen , "Classics de la Mistica Religiosa" (Hameenl inna :
Arvi A . Karisto Oy , 1983), 133 p p .


10) Fabulario Medieval Catalan, t rad. del Llibre de les besties al j apones per




BIBLIOGRAFIA LULLISTICA 1984-5 101


Y. Mihara , "Journal of Osaka University Foreign Studies" 44 (Osaka , 1979),
37-52.


II . E S T U D I S L U L L I S T I C S


11) Jordi Rubib i Balaguer , Ramon Llull i el lul-lisme, prdleg de Lola Badia,
"Obres de Jordi Rubib i Balaguer" II (Montserra t , 1985), 464 pp .


Conte els seguents estudis lul-listics.
1. " R a m o n Llull"
2. "Sfntesis biografica de R a m b n Llull"
3 . "Vida i significacio de R a m o n Llull"
4. "El lul-lisme"
5. "El Breviculum i les miniatures de la vida d 'En R a m o n Lull de la bibliote-


ca de Kar ls ruhe"
6. "La Ldgica del Gazzali, posada en rims per E n R a m o n Lull"
7. "Notes sobre la transmissib manuscri ta de l 'opus lul-lia"
8. "Interrogacions sobre una vella versib llatina del Libre de Contemplacio"
9. "La Rhetorica nova de R a m o n Llull"
10. "Sobre la prosa rimada en R a m o n Llull"
11. "Alguns aspectes de 1'obra literaria de R a m o n Llull"
12. "L'expressib literaria en l 'obra lul-liana"
13. "Prbleg al Llibre de les Besties"
14. "Introduccib a YArbre de filosofia d'amor"
15. "Sobre bibliografia lul-liana"
16. "Membr ia presentada ... al V l e Centenar i de la mor t de R a m o n Lull"
17. "Fragment d 'un manuscrit lul-lia"
18. "Los cbdices lulianos de la biblioteca de Innichen (Tirol)"
19. " U n a edicib lul-liana falsificada"
20. "Menendez y Pelayo y R a m b n Llull"
Ressenyat a continuacib


12) Pere Bohigas, Sobre manuscrits i biblioteques, Prdleg d 'Amadeu-J . So-
beranas i Lleb, "Textos i Estudis de Cultura Cata lana" , 10 (Montserra t , 1985),
291 pp .


Els estudis d ' interes lul-listic sbn:
1. "El repertori de manuscrits catalans"
2. "El repertori de manuscrits catalans. Missib a Angla ter ra"
3 . "El repertori de manuscrits catalans de la Institucib Patxot. Missib de


Paris, Biblioteca Nacional (1926-1927)"
Ressenyat a continuacib


13) Frances A . Yates , Assaigs sobre Ramon Llull, t rad. David Vivern, prb-
leg de Lola Badia (Barcelona: Editorial Empur ies , 1985), 223 pp .




102 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


Cont6 traduccions catalanes de tres assaigs:
1. "L ' a r t de R a m o n Llull: U n a aproximaci6 a traves de la teoria lul-liana


dels e lements"
2. " R a m o n Llull i Joan Escot Eri i igena"
3. "El lul-lisme com a art de la memdr ia"
Ressenyat a continuaci6


14) Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics 3 (Barcelona, 1984), 519 pp .
Conte els seguents articles d'inter6s lul-Ustic:
1. J. de Puig i Oliver, "La Fascinatio lullistarum de Nicolau Eimeric . Edici6 i


es tudi"
2. J. Pera rnau i Espel t , "Politica, lul-lisme i Cisma d 'Occident . La campanya


barcelonina a favor de la festa universal de la Purissima els anys 1415-1432"
I nombroses ressenyes d 'obres lul-listiques a les pp . 378-384.
Els dos treballs lul-listics, ressenyats a continuaci6


15) Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics 4 (Barcelona, 1985), 729 pp .
Conte els segiients articles d' inter6s Iul-listic:
1. J. Pera rnau i Espel t , "La traducci6 castellana medieval del Llibre de me-


ravelles de R a m o n Llull
2. J. Pe ra rnau i Espel t , "E l lul-lisme de Mallorca a Castella a trav6s de


Valencia. Edici6 de YArt abreujada de confessid. E n apendix, els tractats de
R a m o n Llull Liber qui continet confessionem i Liber de virtute veniali atque
vitali, de veniali peccato et mortali


I nombroses ressenyes d 'obres lul-listiques a les pp . 465-71 i 572-83.
Els dos treballs lul-listics, ressenyats a continuaci6


16) Andlisis i comentaris de textos literaris catalans, a cura de Narcis Garole-
ra , 2 vols . , "Manuals Cur ia l" 5 i 6 (Barcelona, 1982).


Al vol. I hi ha extractes dels segiients estudis lul-listics:
1. R . D . F . Pring-Mill, "En to rn de la unitat del Libre d'Amich e Amat", Estu-


dis Romdnics 10 (1962), 33-61.
2. R . D . F . Pring-Mill, "Els ' recontaments ' de YArbre Exemplifical de Ra-


mon Llull", a Actes del Tercer Col-loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura
Catalanes (Oxford: Dolphin Book Co . , 1976), pp . 311-323.


3 . E . -W. Platzeck, "E l final del Blanquerna de R a m 6 n Llull", a Miscel-ldnia
Aramon i Serra II (Barcelona, 1980), 447-465.


Ressenyat a continuacio


17) Josep Maria Sola-Soli: Homage, Homenaje, Homenatge (Misceldnea de
estudios de amigos y discipulos), ed. A . Torres-Alcal£, V. Agiiera, N . B . Smith
(Barcelona: Puvill, 1984), 2 vols. , 386 + 284 pp .


El Vol. I conte els segiients estudis d ' interes lul-listic:
1. J .M. Corominas , "El Llibre de les bisties dintre del context del Llibre de


meravelles"




BIBLIOGRAFIA LULLISTICA 1984-5 103


2. E . J . Neugaard , "Les col-leccions de exempla en la l i teratura catalana me-
dieval"


3 . P .J . B o e h n e , "Animals as Symbolic Devices in Llull and T u r m e d a "
4. E . Oyola , "Simbologia animal y moral idad en Juan Ruiz y R a m b n Llull"
Ressenyat a continuaci6


18) Bibliografia lul-liana i general de Sebastid Garcias Palou (Mallorca,
1985), 207 p p .


Ressenyat a ATCA 4 (1985), 582-3


19) R o m a n Pina H o m s , Alfonso el Sabio y Ramon Llull, su concepcidn de la
justicia y del orden social, "Serie Ensayos" 7 (Palma de Mallorca: Facultad de


De recho , 1984), 131 p p .


20) Lluis Racionero i G r a u , Raimon o elseny fantdstic (Barcelona: E d . Laia,
1985), 288 p p .


21) Charles Lohr , " In memor iam Friedrich Stegmiiller", Gesammelte Auf-
satze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 31 (Munster , 1984), 371-374.


22) Charles Lohr , "Christianus arabicus, cuius nomen Raimundus Lullus",
Freiburger Zeitschrift fiir Philosophie und Theologie 31 (1984), 57-88.


Ressenyat a continuacib i a ATCA 4 (1985), 574-5


23) Charies Lohr , "La tradici6 de les obres de R a m o n Llull", Randa 17
(1985), 5-13.


Una traduccib catalana ( d ' 0 . Gil) de 1'article citat amb el N° 32 a EL 25
(1981-3), 288.


24) David Kahn , "On the Origin of Polyalphabetic Substi tution", Isis 71
(1980), 122-127.


Ressenyat a continuacio


25) Jordi Gaya , " R a m o n Llull i el pensament de Maim6nides" , El Pais (28
abril 1985).


26) Lola Badia , "Poesia i art al Libre del gentil de R a m o n Llull", Reduc-
cions. Revista de Poesia 25 (Vic, 1984), 87-96.


Ressenyat a continuaci6


27) Lola Badia , " R a m o n Llull", Histdria de la Literatura Catalana 1 (Barce-
lona: Edicions 62/Orbis, 1984), 21-32.


Ressenyat a continuacib


28) A r m a n d Llinares, "La femme chez Raymond Lulle" , Contribution d la
femme dans la pensie espagnole (Paris: Edit ions du C N R S , 1983), 23-37.


Ressenyat a 1'article de R. Cantavella en aquest matefx numero de EL.




104 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


29) A r m a n d Llinares, "Sens et por tee de YArs generalis ultima de Lul le" ,
Studia Historica et Philologica in Honorem M. Batllori "Anexos de Pliegos
de Cordel" III (Roma : Publicaciones del Insti tuto Espanol de Cul tura , 1984),
851-866.


Ressenyat a continuaci6


30) Eusebi Colomer , "El pensament ecumenic de R a m o n Llull", Estudis
Universitaris Catalans 25 (1983), 61-80.


Ressenyat a ATCA 4 (1985), 580


31) Eusebi Colomer , " Z u dem Aufsatz von Rudolph Haubs t 'Der junge
Cusanus war im Jahre 1428 zu Handschriften-Studien in Paris ' " , Mitteilungen
und Forschungsbeitrdge der Cusanus-Gesellschaft 15 (1982), 57-70.


Ressenyat a ATCA 3 (1984), 382


32) Michela Pereira , "Quintessenza alchemica", Kos 7 (Mila: Ricci, setem-
bre 1984) 33-54.


Ressenyat a continuacid


33) Nathaniel B . Smith, " R a m o n Llull, t robador exalcat", Hispanofila 26
(1982), 1-7.


34) Modest Pra ts , " R a m o n LIull, 'creador del catala literari ' " , UAvenc
(Maig 1982), 27-30.


35) Domin ique Urvoy, " R a m o n Lull et 1'Islam", Islamochristiana 7 (1981),
127-146.


Ressenyat a continuaci6


36) Lluis Sala-Molins, "Las locuras de ' R a m o n , lo foll '", Quimera 38 (maig
1984), 29-34.


37) Jose Maria Sevilla Marcos , "Magisterio de R a m d n Llull en la medicina" ,
Diario de Mallorca (15 de Noviembre 1984), 20-21.


38) Beatr ice Jorgensen Concheff, Bibliography of Old Catalan Texts, "The
Hispanic Seminar of Medieval Studies" (Madison, Wisconsin, 1985)


Ressenyat a continuaci6 conjuntament amb el N° 12 mes amunt


39) Rudolf Brummer , "Sobre les fonts literaries del Blanquerna de R a m o n
Llull", Iberoromania 9 (1979), 1-11.


40) Paolo Rossi , Clavis Universalis - Arti della memoria e logica combinato-
ria da Lullo a Leibniz, 2 a ed. (Bologna: II Mulino, 1983), 342 pp .


41) Islam et chritiens du Midi (XII-XTV), "Cahiers de Fanjeaux" 18 (Tou-
louse: Privat, 1983), 437 pp .


Sobre R a m o n Llull conte:




BIBLIOGRAFIA LULLISTICA 1984-5 105


R a m o n Sugranyes de Franch, "L 'apologet ique de Ra imond Lulle vis-a-vis
de 1'Islam", pp . 373-393; t ambe hi ha referencies lul-lianes a les pp . 8s. , 238,
243s., 248, 250, 403 i 405.


42) Angel Mart inez Casado , "Aristotel ismo hispano en la pr imera mitad del
siglo XI I I " , Estudios Filosoficos 33 (1984), 59-84.


Tracta de Llull (i sobretot de la Declaratio Raymundi per modum dialogi
edita) a les pp . 79-83.


43) R a m o n Arnau Garcia , "Don Juan Manuel y la teologia del siglo X I V " ,
Anthologica Annua 30-31 (1983-4), 325-353.


Tracta de la influencia de Llull sobre D . Juan Manuel .


44) Jean Sanard, Dieu a lafolie. Histoire des saintsfous pour le Christ, t rad.
de l'anglais pa r M. Tadie (Paris: E d . du Seuil, 1983), 316 pp .


Tracta de Llull a les pp . 132-5.


45) Giuseppina Petruzzelli , ' "La gran fabrica' del sapere: 'L ' idea del Thea-
t ro ' de G . C . Delminio" , Annali della Faculta di Lettere e Filosofia 27-8 (Bari ,
1984-5), 175-202.


El lul-lisme es citat de passada, afirmant que no hi t ingue gran influencia.


46) Rosalba de Giosa, "Ars Signorum de George Dalgarno: le contraddizio-
ni di un proget to" , Annali della Faculta di Lettere e Filosofia 27-8 (1984-5),
285-313.


Proposa una Ars que parteix de la llengua i que s'oposa a 1'encliclopedisme
total del lul-lisme.


47) "Bibliographia Franciscana", Collectanea Franciscana 14, fasc 3.
Bibliografia lul-liana del 1974-80 als N° 4072-4243.


48) Nouvelle Revue Theologique 107 (1985), 131-3.
Ressenya de ROL VI I I , IX i X .






R E S S E N Y E S


1) Cada cop que ens arriba a les mans un nou volum de 1'edicid de les obres
llatines de R a m o n Llull es com si ens afegissen un gra6 m6s en aquesta llarga
escala que algun dia ens por ta ra al capcurucull de la muntanya lul-liana. U n
cami que eixampla t ambe la nomina de col-laboradors d 'aquesta empresa de
tots. El professor Alois Madre hi afegeix el seu nom despr6s d 'haver aporta t
llargs i fecunds anys a la direcci6 del Raimundus-Lullus-Institut. La seva dedi-
caci6 no ha esfat un m6s o manco llarg episodi - p e r confegir un s temma com el
de YArs brevis se 'n valen un bon grapat d'episodis! El volum s 'obre amb el
Liber praedicationis contra Iudaeos. R a m o n Llull havia escrit altres obres en el
genere de predicaci6, diferents cer tament de les obres usuals a la seva epoca,
tant les de caire academic o oficial, com les de caire m6s popular . E n definiti-
va, una vegada mes , Llull s 'interessa per una determinada tematica a m b vista a
l 'exposici6 del seu sistema. H i t robam, per tant , la "manera" de l 'Ar t , els seus
principis, les seves formulacions. C o m a cosa excepcional, aixi mateix, en
aquesta obra Llull s 'ha proposat demostrar per auctoritates, encara que , en
realitat, se tracta de referencies bibliques exposades amb els procediments de
l 'Art . Llegida en conjunt , l 'obra deixa una estranya sensaci6. Llull ens t6 acos-
tumats a distribucions per parts o capitols un poc for?ades - e n s mante' sovint
en la sospita de construccions numeriques treballades o intentades. E n aquesta
obra ens parla de cinquanta sermons, per a cinquanta setmanes de l 'any. E n
realitat sembla que en resulten cinquanta-dos. Llavors ens diu que h o tractara
en tres modes , cum auctoritatibus, cum problematibus, cum praeceptis. H o m
imagina que podria tractar-se d 'unitats en les quals un t ema fos considerat
segons els tres modes . A r a be , la seqiiencia d 'autori ta t-problema-precepte se
mante al Uarg de 1'obra, perd no resulta clar que sien unitats de tres sermons.
A m6s, fet el llistat, resulta que hi ha tres interrupcions: el serm6 dese intro-
dueix una autori tat de m6s, el quarante afegeix un problema fora de Uoc, i




108 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


manca un precepte que hauria de seguir al cinquanta-dos. Per acabar d 'embu-
llar les conjectures, 1'autor ens diu, com de passada, que seguint el me tode
mostrat es podrien explicar fins a cinquanta preceptes (p.75, 1.465). A m b la
qual cosa tornam a preguntar-nos: ^cinquanta sermons de tres unitats cada un?
Evidentment 1'obra resultaria molt extensa, perb tampoc fora de les mides de
Llull: es tractava de predicar tot l 'any. A m b una finalitat apologetica sem-
blant , 1'obra que ve a continuacib, el Liber de Trinitate et Incarnatione, consis-
teix basicament en una aplicacib artistica a la demostracib d 'aquests dos temes ,
a partir d 'algunes proposicions escollides del conjunt de l 'Art . Tot i reconei-
xent que no es te una opinib conclusiva sobre 1'autenticitat de l 'obra, s'inclou
el text del Liber de universalibus, conegut dins la tradicib tambe amb el titol
Introductorium magnae artis generalis. Es tracta d 'un compendi en el qual es
presenten les definicions dels conceptes basics de l 'Art lu l l i ana . L 'esquema es
gairebe exhaustiu i sols mancaria una referencia a les figures artistiques per
poder ser considerat com una exposicib abreujadissima de tot el mecanisme de
l 'art. Les relacions que aquesta obra mante amb el Libre de definicions han
estat estudiades per A . Bonner (EL 21 [1977] 47-48), i L. Badia (El "Libre de
definicions", opuscle didactic lul-lia delsegle XV, Barcelona, 1983), i les dades
apor tades per ells no fan sinb multiplicar les sospites sobre 1'existencia d 'una
molt nombrosa tradicib de resums semblants. Fins que no es conegui amb
profunditat aquesta tradicib (^no seria hora d 'encetar 1'estudi de la tradicib
escolar del lul-lisme, de les seves exposicions a les aules, dels metodes pedagb-
gics, e tc .?) , es p rudent no afirmar dependencies massa estretes. Pe rb , per
aquestes mateixes raons , tal vegada s 'hauria pogut prescindir d 'aquest opuscle
en 1'edicib critica de les obres de Llull.


El volum es clou amb 1'extensa Ars brevis de inventione iuris, una obra que
s'inscriu en 1'brbita de VArs generalis ultima que R a m o n Llull en aquells mo-
ments tenia en el teler. Seria desitjable que es fes un estudi en profunditat del
conjunt de les obres d 'aquests anys. Es tracta d 'unes obres en realitat molt poc
treballades, ja que a cada passa 1'autor sols indica el cami per on haura de
transcbrrer 1'exposicib, sense explicar-se mes , "per mor de la breveta t" . Al
marge d 'aquest interes, 1'escrit, en referir-se a una ciencia concreta i lligar-la
amb l 'Art , presenta punts aclaridors per a veure com concep Llull d 'una mane-
ra general aquesta relacib Art-ciencies particulars.


Dos moments resulten de particular interes. Al comengament , proposa in-
cloure en la seva fonamentacib del dret temes naturals i lbgics, al punt que
sembla deplorar l 'especialitzacib de les ciencies, de manera que els que n'estu-
dien una semblen ignorar comple tament les altres. Capitols m6s envant Llull
formulara la seva proposta per corregir aquesta situacib: la regula generalis
omnibus facultatibus (p.319), i que no es altra cosa mes que els principis estu-
diats per l 'Art i la seva combinatbr ia . En 1'ideal lu l l i a , quan aquesta regula
generalis, o el seu t ractament a l" 'Ars generalis", sia assumida per tots, alesho-




RESSENYES 109


res les ciencies particulars podran corregir els seus errors i deficiencies. E n la
meva opinid, Llull, a les seves obres , no esta proposant com aplicar uns esque-
mes generals a ciencies particulars, sind que intenta posar de manifest la unitat
de la reali tat , rescatant aquella pr imera par t de la realitat que es universal i
comuna, de la qual parteixen els principis i les regles de tot coneixement , i des
de la qual s'il-lumina teleoldgicament. D ' aqu i aquesta complexitat de les obres
especffiques, on s'han d'incloure tots els procediments de l 'Art a mes del con-
tingut tradicional del seu camp particular.


Un segon moment que ens ha cridat 1'atencid es t roba a la Distincid III , "de
conspect ione" (p.282). El t e rme ens remet de seguida a 1'astronomia lul-liana,
i aixi ho fa el text. Cer tament , el passatge no queda massa aclarit per 1'explica-
cid de Llull (fins i tot si es canvia la pr imera coma de la linia 29 per un punt ,
com pensam que seria mes correcte) . Per la curiositat del text indicarem la
proposta que ens ha suggerit per ara la seva lectura:


4 elements — conspectio de les motus superiores
4 qualitats 12 signes/7 planetes.


4 iura 4 conspectiones 12 conspectiones
[iusllexlcanon] [2 te rmes


cada una]


El pr imer m e m b r e de la semblanga ens ensenya que per coneixer la sort en el
camp dels e lementats hem d'investigar com influeixen els moviments superiors
a traves de les qualitats. El segon m e m b r e indicaria que aquells que estan
avesats a fer-ho (els naturali), poden practicar t ambe el dret aplicant el mateix
metode amb els e lements propis del dret . N o obl idem, perd , que tant en un cas
com a 1'altre ha de precedir el coneixement dels principis universal (absoluts) .


UArs brevis de inventione iuris, en resum, es una clara most ra de la comple-
xitat que podr ia adquirir un desenvolupament total de l 'Art aplicada a una
ciencia concre ta . Com be reconeix Llull mateix: haec quidem mixtio principio-
rum atque regularum est abyssus (p.337).


J. Gaya


2) El me tode seguit per a la publicacid de 1'edicid critica de les obres llatines
de R a m o n Llull ja es p rou conegut . N o fa falta insistir en les seves caracteristi-
ques , i en cas que s'hi pogues fer algun re t re t , hi oposar iem 1'evident utilitat de
comptar amb una col-leccid unitaria, que per aquest mateix fet no ens obliga a
aprendre una metodologia nova per cada tom. Crec , per tant , que la utilitat
d 'aquesta ressenya pot residir mes tost en subratl lar aquells temes que ens han
cridat mes 1'atencid.




110 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


D e temes importants VArs compendiosa Dei en forneix un bon capital. L 'e -
di tor , el professor M. Bauza , t ingue ocasib de mostrar-ho en la seva valuosa
tesi doctoral presentada a la Facultat de Teologia de Friburg. E n principi,
podem concebre 1'obra com una aplicacio de l 'Art al pr imer dels nou subiecta.
C o m en totes les altres ocasions paregudes , 1'aplicacib d6na ocasib a Llull per
apor tar precisions sobre temes concrets que en una consideraci6 global del
sistema ultrapassen el t ema estudiat . Seria el cas de Patenci6 que dedica Llull a
la construccio de sil-logismes a part i r de les proposicions resultants de la com-
binatbria dels principis. C o m tambe" 6s el cas de la introducci6, en repet ides
ocasions, de les ideae divinae, considerades en relaci6 amb la substancia i amb
Paccib.


U n tema que tamb6 cal subratllar (i proposar-lo a la consideraci6 dels in-
vestigadors) 6s el t rac tament que s'hi fa del signum i la similitudo. R a m o n Llull
construeix sobre aquest t ema ni m6s ni manco que la scientia de essentia Dei.
Es tracta d 'un coneixement per posterius, 1'unic possible tractant-se de D 6 u ,
pe r6 que compleix tots els requisits per a definir-se com primitivum, verum et
necessarium. Crec que conv6 parar esment que 1'existdncia d 'un tal signum no
es un postulat singular de 1'esfera divina, sino que 6s una realitat del mon
empiric: in speculo est signum primitivum, verum, necessarium et reale (p.54).
Per aix6, tamb6 la ciencia que tracta de D6u (recordem, de essentia Dei),
fonamentada en un signum d'iguals caracteristiques, forma part de la ci6ncia
que procedeix per demostracions estrictes.


L ' intent lul-lia, perd , no es l 'elaboraci6 d 'una teoria cientifica de la teologia
sense m6s. A l seu plante jament li 6s essencial la intenci6 apologetica: Subiec-
tum huius Artis est Deum intelligere et amare, et sic cognoscere veram legem et
per consequens falsam sectam (p.18).


Ens hem limitat a espigolar alguns temes que mereixerien un estudi mes
ample . Es tracta d 'una obra extensa i molt resumida, i de cap manera el que
hem dit representa una mfnima par t de la riquesa que se 'n pot extreure . Crec
que aquesta 6s una constatacib gojosa, el veure que cada nou volum de les
ROL representa un rep te pe r a la investigaci6 i la proposta de noves metes
d 'estudi .


J. Gaya


3) Totes les coses necessiten el seu temps . La histbria del pensament t amb6.
I aquest temps que passa per la hist6ria del pensament 6s el que li d6na la seva
ra6 de ser i de mantenir se com a tasca ober ta . U n dels fruits que el medievalis-
m e , ample i intens, d 'aquests temps ens proporciona 6s el de la possibilitat de
traducci6 dels autors d 'aquells segles. H a arribat l 'hora, ho constatam una i
altra vegada, en qu6 6s possible utilitzar traduccions de textos antics quasi amb
la mateixa garantia que 1'original mateix. E n la traduccib hi t robam la versib




RESSENYES 111


resultant d 'estudi i bibliografia anterior , a 1'original sovint la lectura dels nos-
tres propis prejudicis i del coneixement fragmentari.


Aques ta mena de preambul ve al cas pe rque voldria inscriure la publicacio
de Bonner com la quar ta edici6 d 'obres lul-lianes. Les tres pr imeres s6n, ni
m6s ni manco , que la Magunt ina (MOG), les originals catalanes (ORL) i les
llatines (ROL). Si ORL i ROL es mantenen en peu amb el ferm propdsit
d ' incloure la totalitat de les obres lul-lianes, ningu no dubta que la MOG supo-
sa la introducci6 definitiva de R a m o n Llull en la histdria universal del pensa-
ment . Dint re de pocs anys podrem constatar , aquesta 6s la meva certesa, com
la publicaci6 de Bonner haura estat motor d 'un multiplicat interes per 1'obra
de mestre R a m o n .


U n a de les raons d 'aquesta certesa ja ha estat apuntada: la fiabilitat amb que
el lector pot p rendre el text. L 'au tor , abans d'enllestir la seva t raducci6, ha
escorcollat la tradicio manuscri ta , ha avaluat a fons cada test imoni, ha recons-
truit cri t icament, en definitiva, el text original llati o catala. Despr6s ho ha
deixat reposar . H a interrogat el text lul-lia, ha repensat la bibliografia lul-listi-
ca i ha estat insistent amb les seves preguntes . La traducci6 compareix endiu-
menjada de referencies bibliografiques (qui dubtara de la seva utilitat per als
aprenents?) , de cites de textos paral-lels (en quina edicio lul-liana s'havia fet
fins ara d 'una manera semblant?) , de notes aclaridores o insinuants per enlle-
polir el lector i animar-lo a fer cami per ell mateix.


L 'estructura dels dos volums, com queda reflexada a 1'fndex, resumeix tota
1'obra de Llull. E n pr imer lloc, la traducci6 de la Vita Coetanea ofereix l'acc6s
m6s directe a la biografia de Llull. La Vita Coetanea no 6s una simple narraci6
d'episodis. La seva importancia rau en el fet que constitueix una presentaci6
molt e laborada de la personali tat de mestre R a m o n en els seus diversos aspec-
tes: creador de l 'Art , reformador, missioner, contemplador .


Dels escrits lul-lians s 'han elegit exemples significatius dels diversos generes
que s'hi t roben . L 'aspecte de dialeg missioner amb les dues religions amb que
convisqu6 Llull, jueus i musulmans , queda il-lustrat amb el Llibre del Gentil i
dels tres savis. E l sistema artfstic, nineta dels ulls del gran mest re , hi 6s repre-
sentat per dues obres que per tanyen a dos periodes ben diferenciats de la llarga
evoluci6 a que fou sotmes. El Filix ens introdueix en les obres que sobresurten
per la seva bellesa literaria. D e les aplicacions de l 'Art a les ciencies n'6s una
most ra el Llibre dels comengaments de medicina. Finalment , les Flors d'amor i
flors d'intel-ligencia ens acosten al seu llenguatge religi6s i mistic.


El oonjunt, pe r tant , proporciona un quadre representat iu de 1'obra lul-lia-
na . La determinacio presa d' incloure obres senceres i no fragments escollits,
fa, en tot cas, que la par t religiosa-mistica es ressenti una mica. Possiblement
s 'haguera t robat qualque alternativa a les Flors d'amor. Sembla que en 1'elec-
ci6 hi pesa massa el voler ressaltar el paper de l 'Art tambe en aquest aspecte.




112 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


Aques t "prejudici per l 'Ar t" ha estat una constant gairebe en tot el lul-lisme,
i es percep , a mes de 1'eleccib comentada , al llarg de les notes explicatives.
Sens dubte , s'ha avangat considerablement en la definicib de l 'Art , incloent no
sols la formalitzacib, sinb les significacions que aquesta formalitzacib distri-
bueix. Perb hi manca una referencia a la causalitat del desplegament i evolucib
d 'aquesta formalitzacib. Vull dir que caldria insistir un poc mes en el fet que
Llull construeix l 'Art al servei d 'un sistema d' idees que cerca imposar, provo-
cant el consent iment , i es per mor seu que sotmet el seu sistema a una constant
evolucib. I per sistema d'idees s'ha d 'en tendre tant el propbsit de demostracib
de les veritats religioses, com les tesis integrants de la cosmovisib que compar-
tia amb la seva epoca. Lbgicament es dbna una mutua interaccib, i la formalit-
zacib mateixa repercuteix en aprofundiments significatius en el sistema d'i-
dees.


A . Bonner no es proposa oferir un comentar i al text editat , perb tant al
resum introductori (pp . 58-70), com a algunes notes explicatives haguera estat
bo apuntar altres temes importants per al pensament de Llull sobre la metafisi-
ca (divisib de ser - no ser; definicib de ciencia com a coneixement d'univer-
sals), sobre la teologia (un exemple: la relacib dignitats - creacib, a la p . 60, no
es exacta; s 'hauria de corregir amb el que diu Llull sobre el paper de les
" idees" en el proces c reador ) , sobre la doctrina trinitaria (com es ben conegut ,
la seva presencia a l 'obra de Llull es massiva), sobre la doctrina hilembrfica
(p .e . a la segona distincib de YArs demonstrativa). Vull insistir que aixb no s'ha
d 'entendre com un retret per manca de notes explicatives. N 'hi ha a bastament .
Perb , aixi i tot , aquesta es la meva sospita, les mateixes notes hagueren pogut
contenir informacib mes significativa. U n exemple. A la referencia lul-liana a
l 'Orde dels Apbstols , sumant les notes de les pp . 780, 781 i 863, s'hi dedica
quasi una plana sencera de comentar i . Sembla que s'excedeix la proporcib
deguda. Pr imer pe rque no es un t ema tan central per al pensament lul-lia, com
podria fer pensar 1'atencib que s'hi dedica, i, segon, pe rque la realitat histbrica
a que es pugui referir Llull es molt mes complexa. Sobre el t ema hi ha abun-
dant l i teratura i mes que a una aproximacib a la "solitary medi ta t ion" (com
sembla indicar-se a p . 652), la referencia lul-liana pareix referir-se a la impor-
tancia de la predicacib i a la necessitat de la seva reforma. R . Rusconi ("Forma
apostolorum: 1'immagine del predicatore nei movimenti religiosi francesi ed
italiani dei ecc. XI I e X I I " , Cristianesimo nella storia 6 (1985), 513-542) ha
insistit da r re rament sobre aquest aspecte. Per altra banda , Rusconi accentua la
caracteristica central i discutida en el moviment dels apostblics: el calqat. Llull,
en canvi, esmenta sols la qualitat pobra de les robes i el capteniment de vida.


Pens que aquests comentaris es refereixen a un aspecte secundari de la pu-
blicacib de Bonner , i seria injust que restassin importancia a l 'obra sencera.
H o deia al comengament , el conjunt d 'obres lul-lianes que es posen a 1'abast de
1'investigador amb mes o manco dificultats per accedir als textos originals,




RESSENYES 113


faran que la presencia de R a m o n Llull s'universalitzi del tot i, el que encara 6s
mes impor tant , que la seva obra sia compresa en els seus termes exactes.


Acabare expressant un desig: que prest puguem tenir una versi6 catalana
d 'aquesta magna obra!


J. Gaya


5) E n presentar una obra lu l l i ana 6s freqiient el recurs facil d 'esmentar la
seva importancia cabdal per al coneixement del sistema lul-lia. Aques ta t emp-
taci6 neix del fet evident que un sistema tan ampli i objecte de tantes revisions
com 6s el de Llull mant6 en qualsevol de les seves manifestacions un interes
evident. La Logica nova reuneix prou circumstancies per mereixer la conside-
raci6 d 'obra cabdal. La seva redacci6 t6 lloc en un momen t de maxima pleni-
tud i el seu text ofereix tota la consistencia d 'una obra prou medi tada. Repre -
senta , podem dir, el gran esforc, de Llull per connectar les originalitats del seu
sistema amb el paradigma ldgjc del seu entorn intel-lectual i obtenir , una vega-
da m6s, la legitimaci6 cientifica de la seva art. Es un gran meri t de la Int roduc-
cio facilitar la comprensi6 d 'aquest esforg. E n efecte, Vit torio Hossle , en la
seva introduccio, ha cercat d'identificar "seguint la no rma d'hist6ria de filoso-
fia" el que 6s original en la concepci6 de Llull respecte al seu entorn intel-lec-
tual . I aquesta originalitat queda resumida en la ferma creenqa de Llull en la
demostrabil i tat de les veritats de la fe. A m b aquesta creenga Llull s 'arrenglera
amb altres opinions del seu temps en la resposta a una questi6 comuna , i es
diferencia d 'aquestes opinions en mantenir una posicid que li es pr6pia , i ben
b6 singular. Motius apologetics i missionals influiren en aquesta tesi lul-liana,
per6 gran part de la seva obra consistira en la seva justificacid te6rica i en la
seva aplicaci6. La Logica nova 6s una peca important en aquest intent cienti-
fic. L 'Ar t resnmeix metodol6gicament i tematicament tot el sistema construit
amb aquest principi fonamental . I cal subratllar aquesta indissolubilitat dels
dos aspectes de l 'Art . E n un moment donat , i molt restrictivament, tal vegada
referint-nos a la lectura de l 'Art feta per Leibniz, podrem afirmar que l 'Art "6s
un me tode , que 6s independent de concepcions cristianes" (xliv), pe r6 de cap
manera es aquesta la realitat historica de l 'Art . R a m o n Llull, per tradicid (Es-
cot Er iugena , agustinisme) i per intencid (la seva determinaci6 missionera) ,
construia el seu sistema com a reflexi6 sobre les veritats de la fe, i, despres , en
aplicaci6 "del t eorema de la correspondencia ontol6gica i gnoseol6gica"
(xxviii), intenta perfeccionar un me tode explicatiu (inventio i responsio) ade-
quat . E n aquest sentit hi ha dues coses que cal subratllar de la Logica nova i
que haurien de ser proposades per a noves investigacions: en pr imer lloc, cal-
dria llegir 1'obra en la seva doctrina ontol6gica, com a exposici6 del realisme
indiscutible de Llull. Ent rar ien en consideraci6 no tan sols els capitols inicials
dedicats a 1'esser i a la substancia, sin6 t ambe totes les definicions obtingudes
per Paplicaci6 de les questions (regles), part icularment les quatre pr imeres




114 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


(utrum, quid, de quo, quare). E n segon lloc, el text de la Logica nova sugge-
reix una reflexi6 necessaria sobre el paper del sil-logisme, sobretot a part ir
d 'aquesta obra . Sembla - h o afirmam a tftol d 'h ip6tes i - que Llull tendeix a
destacar el paper del sil-logisme en detr iment del que jugaven abans les ques-
tions (regles), al mateix temps que introdueix el problema connex de les fal-la-
cies (al qual dedica molta atenci6 en obres posteriors) . Aixi, men t re l'us de les
qiiestions es corresponia a la importancia concedida a la definici6 i a la conver-
si6 de t e rmes , la major atencio al sil-logisme respatlla una precisi6 major de la
demostraci6 (inclosa la formulacio de la demonstratio per aequiparantiam) i la
formulacio d 'axiomes hipotetics. L'edici6 critica de la Logica nova contr ibuira,
confiam, a motivar estudis com els que hem posat com exemple. A par t d 'aix6,
el fet que es publiqui en una col-lecci6 de textos filos6fics fonamentals i que
vagi acompanyada d 'una traducci6 alemanya (1'esforc. ingent que all6 suposa,
dispensa defectes menors , com pot esser un recurs un tant freqiient a la peri-
frasi) s6n circumstancies que multiplicaran poderosament la presencia de l 'o-
bra lul-liana en la investigaci6 filos6fica.


J. Gaya


8) U n a edicio crftica del text llati (feta per A . J .Gondras ) de YAffatus, amb
una introducci6 del ben conegut luMista A r m a n d Llinares. Sobre les nombro-
ses transcripcions i estudis recents d 'aquest opuscle, vegeu 1'anterior numero
de EL (25 ,1981-3, p . 280). N o repet i re el que vaig dir alla; nomes assenyalare
que aqui tenim a la fi una bona edici6 del text llati, establit compulsant els cinc
Mss. llatins, per acompanyar el text catala establit pe r Perarnau . La breu in-
troducci6 6s interessant i informativa, sense, per ventura , afrontar p lenament
els problemes suggerits a la ressenya ja esmentada . Pe r6 , en tot cas, aquesta
publicaci6 constitueix una addici6 valuosa al nostre magatzem de material lul-
lia.


A . Bonne r


11) Per al lul-lista, Jordi Rubi6 i Balaguer no necessita introducci6. A m b els
germans Carreres i Ar t au , es la figura que mes ha fet, per ventura , per desfer
la bar re ra erigida pels romantics ent re Llull com a figura literaria i mistica, i
Llull com a pensador i constructor de l 'Art . E l que per ventura sorprendra a
1'especialista es la quant i ta t i varietat dels seus escrits lul-listics. Aix6 unit al fet
que molts e ren d 'un acces dificilissim, ens fa sentir un gran agraiment als edi-
tors per reunir-los tots en aquest tom. Com assenyala Lola Badia al seu pr61eg,
els treballs de Rubi6 per tanyen a quatre ca tegones: visions de conjuni de Llull
o del lul-lisme (articles d 'enciclopedia, e t c ) ; aportacions bibliografiques (estu-
dis sobre el Breviculum, els Mss. de Innichen, sobre la transmissi6 manuscri ta
de 1'opus lul-lia, e t c ) ; l 'edici6 de la Logica del Gazzali; i analisis literaries
(estudis sobre la Rhetorica nova, sobre YArbre defilosofia d'amor, sobre Fex-




RESSENYES 115


pressi6 literaria en 1'obra lul-liana, e tc . ) . Decidir en quina d 'aquestes catego-
ries Jordi Rubib va fer les seves contribucions mes valuoses i duradores , seria
gairebe impossible. E ra una d 'aquestes persones que podia anar de tracta-
ments de detalls bibliografics minuciosos a visions de conjunt amb una facili-
tat, seguretat i domini del material realment extraordinaris . Per ventura el
camp on va aportar mes innovacions va ser el de les seves analisis li teraries, on
va mostrar clarament la incorporacib de la teoria i practica literaries per par t
del Beat en el seu sistema, es a dir en la seva visib del mbn i en la seva Ar t .
Nomes podem fer nostres les paraules del prologuista, reafirmant la nostra
"reverencial veneracib pels escrits de Jordi Rub ib" i "saludar amb gran satis-
faccib la present col-leccib dels seus treballs lul-lians, que finalment els estu-
diants i els estudiosos podran llegir amb la comoditat que mereixen" .


A . Bonner


12) i 38) Tal com ens adverteix el prologuista, la publicacib d 'aquest volum
s'inscriu en els actes d 'homenatge a Pere Bohigas en ocasib del seu vuitante
aniversari; de tota manera la reimpressib dels textos que omplen el volum va
bastant m6s enlla d 'un acte de cortesia amb un vell mestre . El gruix fonamen-
tal del Uibre, en efecte, el constituefxen els famosos articles sobre manuscrits
catalans que Pere Bohigas publica entre 1926 i 1931 als Estudis Universitaris
Catalans; famosos per a tots els estudiosos de la cultura catalana medieval, els
quals , si n o tenim la sort de posseir la venerable revista que els va divulgar, ens
serviem fins fa poc de rbnegues i manipulades fotocopies que repassavem
aproximadament cada cop que haviem d'escriure alguna cosa. La reedicio en
volum, doncs, dels materials pacientment recollits per Bohigas fa cinquanta
anys es encara litil, i fins i tot constitueix encara una primicia per a investiga-
dors de camps afins al de la cultura medieval catalana que finalment tenen
acces a textos bibliograficament diffcils de localitzar. (Heu provat mai de con-
sultar els Estudis Universitaris Catalans a Florencia? A Lio?)


En t r e 1921 i 1927 Pere Bohigas va realitzar una intensa labor de fitxatge i
descripcid de cbdexs catalans antics (especialment fins al segle X V I , pero tam-
be fins al XVII I ) a Madrid , Barcelona, Paris i Oxford-Cambridge-Londres ,
que sbn els indrets on es deuen conservar la gran majoria dels fons documen-
tals catalans. Gracies al mecenatge de la Fundaci6 Patxot , Bohigas va poder
projectar el pla d 'un magne repertor i exhaustiu de manuscrits catalans (en
catala, copiats a Catalunya, o conservats en terres catalanes des de temps recu-
lats). E ren els anys de la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera i de la Segona Reptibli-
ca. A part i r de 1931 Bohigas va passar a ser Conservador de Manuscrits de la
Biblioteca de Catalunya i els materials del seu Reper tor i van ser cedits a
aquesta institucib, la qual , com a biblioteca nacional, tenia 1'obligacib de tu te-
lar una empresa d 'aquesta categoria. La histbria posterior es inutil evocar-la.
Des de 1936 practicament fins a la publicacib d 'aquesta reedicib, el reper tor i




116 ESTUDIOS LULIANOS


de Bohigas Patxot ha dormit el son dels justos , almenys pel que fa a la seva
divulgacio i utilitzacio per par t dels estudiosos.


Heus aci, doncs , com la reedicid dels vells articles de Bohigas adquireix un
significat simbdlic de desvetl lament d 'unes disciplines d 'estudi (les relaciona-
des amb les antigues Uetres catalanes) que , com la bella del conte , esperen el
bes d 'algun enamora t (d 'a lguna t ropa d ' enamora t s , advertiria d 'acord amb el
prologuista: han passat per a sempre els temps dels herois filologics messianics
que ho fan tot en solitari i sense maquines: no p o d e n competir amb la ITT) .


Aixi, doncs , simbol per simbol, no deixa de ser colossal que aquest mateix
1985 surti al carrer a Madison, Wisconsin ( U S A ) una Bibliography of Old
Catalan Texts (BOOCT), to ta lment computor i tzada, en una pr imera edicio a
perfeccionar (la Bibliography ofOld Spanish Texts es a la tercera edici6, enca-
ra no definitiva) reali tzada per Beatrice J. Concheff. Evi tarem les frases de
1'estil "som a la cruilla de dos mons" e tc . , pero el que es ben clar, almenys per
a qui signa, es que els quaranta anys del somni de la "bel la" filologia catalana
ens han situat en una posicio absurdament crispada. Quina batalla val mes la
pena de combat re : la de recuperar i reconstruir una vella calaixera plena d'ad-
mirables fitxes escrites sobre esgrogueides cartolines, o la de la informatitzaci6
d 'uns esforcos que parteixen novament de zero? Es aplicable aqui all6 de Foix,
que "m'exal ta el nou i m ' enamora el vell"?


N o he analitzat la pr imera edicio del BOOCT, pe ro la "obvious impossibility
of firsthand knowledge" confessada a la introduccio es una pedra de toc prou
representat iva de 1'abisme entre els metodes vells de Bohigas, i els nous . Q u e -
da el fet que el reper tor i provisional de la senyora Concheff, amb totes les
seves deficiencies, que deuen ser multiples, es , efectivament, " the most com-
plete catalogue to date of medieval manuscripts and incunabula in the Catalan
language". Del treball mes huma , mes acabat - e n un m o t - fiable, del nostre
Pere Bohigas, la trajectoria historica local ( tan sinistra) nomes ha permes de
fer quallar en llibre (un llibre sense index de noms , val a dir) el que ell anome-
na la "missio d 'Angla te r ra" i la de Paris consagrada a la Biblioteca Nacional .


L. Badia


13) N o caldria, tal volta, ressenyar extensament la publicaci6 d'un llibre que
tradueix uns estudis el pr imer dels quals ja ha complert els seus t renta anys. E n
efecte, dos dels treballs que ara es presenten en traducci6 catalana foren publi-
cats en el seu original angles els anys 1954 i 1960. I amb tot hem de constatar
que la seva lectura resultara d'estricta novetat per a la majoria dels lectors, la
qual cosa palesa, d 'en t rada , 1'encert d 'aquesta publicacio.


E n el proleg Lola Badia , resumeix el paper que han jugat els articles ara
traduits i les restants obres de Yates , per a la investigacio lul-liana, i el que
encara poden jugar . Malgrat que s'hi fan adesiara afirmacions apressades, el
lector pot recollir en aquest proleg eines abas tament perque les planes atapides




RESSENYES 117


que segueixen no el precipitin al desconcert . E n aquest sentit hi hem de reco-
neixer una mostra de la recent vitalitat que revifa la investigacib lu l l i ana de les
arees de cultura catalana.


Per tot aixo pot semblar innecessari insistir aquf en el valor d 'aquesta publi-
cacio. Tanmateix , 1'ocasio de re t re un homenatge ben merescut a la personali-
tat i a l 'obra de la senyora Frances Yates ben prou justifica qui hi dediquem la
nostra atencio. T a m b e a la personalitat , perque ella amb una gosadia sovint
menystinguda per la cultura academica, s 'endinsa en terrenys del tot nous i
inexplorats i obri horitzons renovadors . No teme multiplicar les preguntes
molt mes enlla del que abastaven les respostes que tenia. I ben conscient com
n 'e ra , no desitjava tant ensenyar, com interrogar perque d'altres s'unissen a la
tasca.


Yates , com ella mateixa explica, arriba a Llull per afegito. Fou la seva dedi-
caci6 a la cultura renaixentista, i sobretot Giordano Bruno , que la confronta
amb la figura de Llull. Fou, per tant , un acces a Llull condicionat per una
tematica ben concreta: la tradicio del lul-lisme de caracter hermetic . Conse-
qiientment el que pr imer va cercar a 1'obra de Llull fou el t rac tament dels
temes de la naturalesa. El seu pr imer treball , "L 'a r t de R a m o n Llull: una
aproximacio a traves de la teoria lul-liana dels e lements" , es podria concebre
com el diari d 'aquesta pr imera expedicib per 1'obra de R a m o n Llull. Les passes
que hi recorre la por ten de sorpresa en sorpresa. Els textos, les obres senceres
que Llull dedica a temes de la naturalesa, sorprenen per la seva multiplicitat.
Sorprenen tambe per la uni6 intima que guarden amb els temes fins Uavors
definidors de l 'art. A m b aquesta constataci6 Yates sospita que tal vegada
s 'haura de corregir fonamentalment el concepte de l 'Art lul-liana: que en prin-
cipi s6n els temes naturals (centrats en la teoria elemental) els que determinen
la configuracio de l 'Art . El seu crit d 'atenci6 perdura: importancia fonamental
de la teoria dels elements en el sistema lul.lia. Pe r6 , t renta anys despres, com-
prenem que la seva sorpresa tambe era motivada per altres fets: la investigaci6
medievalista encara no s'havia fet carrec ni de 1'atencio que 1'Edat Mitjana
havia dedicat als temes naturals , ni del lloc que aquests temes ocupaven en el
conjunt del sistema de pensament , i aixo no obstant els treballs peoners de P.
D u h e m , A . Meier o L. Thorndike .


Q u a n en 1960 publica el seu segon estudi, " R a m o n Llull i Joan Escot Eriu-
gena" , el context s'ha ampliat. Hi ha una consideracio mes ampla dels escrits
de Llull, i sobretot un dialeg mes profund amb el medievalisme que anava
exper imentant una mena de revolucio. Es de justicia indicar com hi ressalta al
llarg de tot 1'estudi la figura de M. Th. d 'Alverny. El fet no era del tot casual.
Yates treballava en el Warburg Institut, l 'institut alemany arrelat a Anglaterra
despres de la guerra i que seguint la linia de Panofsky anava afermant Pestudi
de l 'art en la hist6ria del pensament . El fam6s treball que d 'Alverny publica en
1953 estava, podem dir, en aquesta linia, i havia d' interessar per forga a Yates ,




RESSENYES 119


pr imer, sobre la Fascinatio Lullistarum de Nicolau Eimeric , afegeix un capitol
important als nostres coneixements del mes fambs dels ant i lul l is tes . Despres
d 'un breu repas (amb bibliografia completissima) als escrits antilul-listes d 'Ei-
meric i una introduccib sobre el contingut de la Fascinatio, Puig i Oliver ens
oferefx una edicib critica comentada del text mateix.


L'article de Perarnau sobre "Politica, lul-lisme i Cisma d 'Occident" 6s una
contribucib molt interessant sobre el lul-lisme de principis del segle X V i el seu
lis en un intent d'aconseguir un objectiu liturgic (1'aprovacib de la festa univer-
sal de la Purissima) per mitjans politics (per la via de supliques a 1'emperador
Segimon d 'Hongria) . L 'au tor analitza el conjunt de deu obres que formen
aquest intent, i descriu amb la minuciositat a la qual ja ens te acostumats , dos
dels quat re Mss. en els quals es conserven (Copenhague , Kongl. Bibl . , Thot t
105,4° i Vat . lat. 10275). Llavors dedica apartats a "L 'opcib politica", "La
doctr ina", el "Problema de 1'autor" (ni es Llull, ni un tal Joan de Palomar , que
s'havia suggerit com a possible au tor ) , i la "Repercussib de la campanya" . To t
seguit ens ofereix una edicib critica dels deu tractats , en edicib catalana, llatina
o bilingiie segons com els textos s 'han conservat . Acaba amb un index complet
del vocabulari catala empra t al text de 1'obra.


L'article de Perarnau sobre "La traduccib castellana medieval del Llibre de
meravelles de R a m o n Llull" comenqa amb un repas al lul-lisme castella medie-
val al qual 1'autor ja ha aportat tantes novetats . E n s dbna una "cronologia del
lul-lisme castella medieval (13-15) que sera de gran utilitat per als estudiosos,
una comparacib amb la Novela moral de Gracidn una part de la qual ja s'ha
publicat a EL 24 (1980), 165-210 i 25 (1981-3), 83-165, i acaba amb una edicib
critica de fragments del text com a mostra , i un index complet del vocabulari
castella empra t al text de la mostra. L'article patefx d'omissions bibliografi-
ques un poc sorprenents: cita la traduccib castellana del Llibre del gentil sense
mencionar 1'edicib de H . R . Stone, 1'existencia de la qual jo vaig coneixer pre-
cisament a traves d 'un escrit bibliograhc de Pera rnau de fa un parell d 'anys;
per a noticies anteriors al Ms. de El Escorial , remet (n. 62) a la n. 7 on cita el
cataleg de Zarco Cuevas sense mencionar la n . 19 amb la cita del treball de
Lloreng Perez (veg. EL 16, 1972, p . 86 per a la descripcib del Ms . ) ; a la p . 21
diu que " E n aquest moment ja 6s possible de fer una afirmacib que enriqueix
el coneixement del lul-lisme castella medieval . L 'au tor de la Novela moral de
Gracidn no sols coneix, ans encara copia la nostra traduccib del Llibre de me-
ravelles. Heus-ne la prova" , i a continuacib cita passatges paral-lels de les dues
obres , sense mencionar que una comparacib sirnilar ja s'ha fet (i amb mes fonts
que no el Llibre de meravelles tot sol) a la pr imera par t de 1'article de J .J .
Satorre (EL 24 ,1980 , pp . 194-210) la segona par t del qual el mateix Perarnau
cita (nn. 32 i 72); perb m6s greu es el fet de comparar versions catalanes del
Filix sense saber que Gre t Schib ha publicat una mostra de tots els dotze Mss.
catalans de 1'obra (a m6s d 'una mostra de la versib medieval francesa) a la seva




RESSENYES 121


Montpel ler on va acabar el Liber de locutione angelorum, i n o m i s vingu£ a
Mallorca entre aquell mes i juliol , quan va acabar el Liber de participatione
christianorum et sarracenorum a Mallorca.


A . Bonner


16) L'aparicid d 'aquests dos volumets t6 c larament una relaci6 directa amb
la recent introducci6 de la l lengua i la l i teratura catalanes a l 'ensenyament
mitja i superior; nom6s cal considerar el nom de la serie que els acull, la data
d'edici6 i la dedicacid docent de Narcis Garolera , responsable de la publicaci6.
N o em sembla aquest el lloc oporti i per a esbossar un discurs a prop6sit dels
problemes que compor ta Padaptaci6 de 1'escas material critic de que disposa la
l i teratura catalana a 1'ensenyament dels nostres dies. Nom6s dir6 que la soluci6
de N . Garolera t61'encert de l 'oportunitat i del pragmatisme. Aprofitar textos
ja publicats sobre unes quantes peces clau de les lletres catalanes, de Llull a
Verdaguer al pr imer volum, i de Maragall a Brossa al segon, permet de posar
rapidament i eficac, a les mans dels lectors una colla de models de comentar i ,
que , si per una banda tenen l ' inconvenient de constituir tot un caleidoscopi
metodoldgic, per 1'altra presenten almenys la garantia de procedir dels millors
especialistes en cada t ema .


Aques t 6s, per descomptat , el cas dels tres textos que ens interessen ara ,
destinats a presentar l i terariament fragments de 1'obra lul-liana, inclosos,
6bviament , al pr imer dels volums esmentats . Narcis Garolera ha recollit els
dos articles imprescindibles de Pring-Mill sobre li teratura lul-liana, al costat
d 'un altre del recentment traspassat pare Platzeck: els autors del nostre ma-
nual de divulgacid son realment de primera linia. D e tota manera , com a lul-
lista (al marge , doncs, de les complicades exigencies d 'un genere tan maltrac-
tat com es la divulgacid) no puc estar d 'acord amb les manipulacions que
sofreixen els textos de Pring-Mill i Platzeck en ser inclosos al pr imer volum
cYAndlisis i comentaris. La manipulacio consisteix en una drastica reducci6
imposada per alguna mena de criteris comercials; de fet 6s el mateix procedi-
ment que utilitza una obra pensada per a la divulgaci6 de la l i teratura espa-
nyola que ha assolit un considerable exit: la Historia y critica de la literatura
espanola, dirigida per Francisco Rico.


Les raons del meu desacord s6n les segiients. Cas Pring-Mill: aquest autor va
publicar 1'any 1962 al Vol. 10 d'Estudis Romanics un treball de 29 pagines,
amb el titol "En to rn de la unitat del Libre d'amich e amat", la tesi fonamental
del qual consisteix a mostrar com, al darrera de la variacid superficial de mo-
tius hterar is , el LAA te una "recia textura filosdfica", que deien els germans
Carreras Ar t au , que cal anar a buscar a la cosmovisid medieval reciclada per
Llull, i als ingredients de caracter "artistic" que hi sdn presents . Per aixd el
treball de Pring-Mill t6 tres par ts : a la pr imera 1'autor esbossa una teoria critica
que li pe rmet de relacionar, seguint D . Alonso , la "forma exterior" i la "forma




RESSENYES 123


a la reflexib sobre problemes de divulgacib o de didactica de la l i teratura
antiga.


L. Badia


17) Dintre de l 'actual inflaci6 de volums d 'homenatge a professionals de
1'hispanisme, en la qual tots estem implicats en alguna mesura , els dos toms
dedicats a Josep Maria Sola-Sole pels seus amics i deixebles se'ns presenten
majori tar iament consagrats a la l i teratura castellana medieval i del segle d 'or ,
amb algunes derivacions cap a la lingiiistica diacronica, els temes hispanics
moderns i la l i teratura catalana antiga. Abans de passar revista als tres articles
que dins d 'aquest darrer apar ta t t racten, centralment o de forma m6s o menys
tangencial, de 1'obra de R a m o n Llull, cal cridar l 'atenci6 del lector sobre l'in-
teres que el pr imer volum de l 'Homenatge Sola-Sole te pe r a tot medievalista
hispanic; nomes cal veure en la Uista de col-laboradors els noms de M. Morrea-
le, A . Deyermond , Curt Wittlin, J. Roca-Pons , Yakob Malkiel , en t re d 'al tres.
T a m b e es de singular interes el treball d 'Edward J. Neugaard , "Les col-lec-
cions de (sic) Exempla en la l i teratura catalana medieval" , ja que es mou en un
ambit tematic que pot donar sorpreses als estudiosos. Tanmateix ara tan sols
ens interessa allo que fa referencia immediata al Beat .


Aixi doncs, l 'article de Joan Corominas , "El Llibre de les besties dintre del
context del Llibre de meravelles", aborda el tema de la simbologia animal en
Llull, que 6s el mateix que a t reu l 'atenci6 dels altres col-laboradors de l 'Home-
natge que s'han decantat cap a la l i teratura del Beat . E m sap greu d 'haver
d'escriure que no es un apriorisme pedant ni un prejudici "europeis ta" fer
notar que 6s metodol6gicament equivocat parlar de Llull a part ir de les mos-
tres mes "superficials" del seu opus i, encara m6s, amb una visi6 de les coses
exclusivament limitada al m6ri de la l i teratura. Dic tot aixo pe rque no 6s la
primera vegada que sento la necessitat de mostrar la meva absoluta disconfor-
mitat amb la manera de fer d'alguns productes universitaris nord-americans
com els que m'ocupen ara. Q u e quedi clar, doncs, que plantejo problemes
generals de metode i que estic disposada a aprendre dels col-legues de l 'altra
banda de l 'Atlantic (cosa que m'esdev6 sovint i mes de dues i de tres vegades
en qiiestions referents a Llull).


Respecte al valor simb61ic del Filix com a conjunt, jo convidaria el senyor
Corominas a llegir el vell treball de G . E . Sansone, " R a m o n Llull na r ra to re" ,
publicat a Revista de Filologia Espanola 43 (1960), 81-96 i als seus Studi de
filologia catalana (Bari , 1963), 184-204. Sansone ja hi planteja amb tots els ets i
uts el problema del to nostalgic i desenganyat de 1'obra, mes enlla, natural-
ment , del "metode tradicional de 1'establiment de les fonts historiques per tal


de determinar el grau de dependencia i originalitat" (p. 32). E n parlar del
conjunt de 1'obra narrativa de Llull, Sansone clarament es t roba davant d 'un
escriptor singular, que s'explica mes per la relacio que t6 amb la seva pr6pia




RESSENYES 125


nyats. Nomes una mostra del que vull dir: el dibuix de cercles concentrics de la
p . 248, que representa les diverses sobreposicions dels nivells de ficci6 narrati-
va que l 'autor detecta en el Llibre de les besties, no te res a veure , malgrat el
que diu 1'article, amb el "sistema" que Llull "desarroll6 en su Ars compendiosa
inveniendi veritatem". D 'acord que cal mirar Llull com un tot, pe ro , per a
fer-ho, t ambe cal tenir la minima picardia de fixar-se com s6n fets els termes de
la comparaci6 (els cercles concentrics en Llull no representen els successius
nivells de la realitat , com la ceba metafisica de Duns Escot , sino circumferen-
cies giratories amb funcio combinatoria; els simbols solen ser sempre al cercle
exterior, llevat de la Figura A , que por ta el simbol de D e u al mig). Donades
les condicions dels coneixements lul-lians del nostre autor , no ens sorpren gai-
re que les conclusions no aport in gran cosa de nou: 1'arxiprest i el bea t usen la
ficcio animalesca en pr imera persona, tenen intencio moral i tzadora i conten
faules pe r a reforcar aquesta intencio moral .


L. Badia


22) Aques t estudi de Charles Lohr , amb el N° 32 de Dominique Urvoy,
constitueixen dues contribucions noves i substancials al problema de la in-
fluencia arab en 1'obra i el pensament lul-lia. L'assaig de Lohr investiga cinc
punts . E l pr imer es la importancia de Llull com a pensador en la histdria de la
filosofia occidental, com a gran impulsor de 1'abandonament final del paradig-
ma clerical del pensament escolastic, i per tant com a representant del comen-
§ament d 'una epoca nova. E l segon punt es refereix al seu coneixement d e
1'arab, que diu que era indiscutible. El tercer punt suggereix paral-lels en t re les
figures lul-lianes i les seves teories de les dignitats divines, dels e lements , dels
tres graus de coneixement , i de la pr imera i segona intenci6 amb les practiques
dels mistics sufis, amb el Za'irajah d 'al-Sabti, amb Ylhsd' al-'ulum d 'al-Farabi i
amb 1'enciclopedia filosofica dels Germans de la Puresa. El quart punt sugge-
reix 1'origen dels nou subjectes, de les nou (o deu) qiiestions, i dels tretze tipus
de proposicions enumerats a la Logica nova en la logica del Budd al-'drifd'ibn
Sab'in de Miircia. Es aqui que Lohr parla de la distinci6 entre una ldgica semi-
tica analogica de dos termes i una ldgica grega siMogistica de tres t e rmes ,
distinci6 que podria esser de gran importancia com a corresponent a la diferen-
cia de me tode logic ent re les etapes quaternaries i ternaries de la produccio
lul-liana. Finalment , cerca origens musulmans per al concepte de "teologia
positiva" (que Lohr diu que Llull va introduir en 1'escolasticisme llati), per al
metode de demostratio per hypothesim i per a la doctrina de 1'activitat de les
dignitats divines. Un article, com es pot apreciar per aquest breu resum, ple de
suggerencies que podrien obrir nous camins d'investigaci6. U n a observaci6 de
detall: el mirandarum del titol de la versi6 llatina del Libre de demostracions
que Lohr relaciona amb el t e rme arab de burhan podria esser una invenci6 de
Salzinger, qui va traduir (o va fer traduir) 1'obra del catala al llatf; no existeix




RESSENYES 127


52) que constitueix una de les col-leccions alquimiques pseudoluMianes m6s
celebres. D a t a de 1474, i conte una serie de miniatures per Gero lamo da Cre-
mona , magnificament reproduides aqui per la revista Kos. L'article t ambe
dbna extractes traduits a 1'italia del Liber de secretis naturae seu de quinta
essentia i del Testamentum. U n a exce l l en t (i visualment bellissima) introduc-
cib a un tema de capital importancia per a la histbria del pensament i de les
"mental i tes" europees , com es el paper del pseudoluMisme del Rena ixement ,
un t ema per al qual la Prof. Pereira esta eminentment preparada per a conti-
nuar les investigacions que tant necessitam.


A . Bonner


35) L'article d 'Urvoy es un poc un resum del seu Uibre, Penser 1'Islam. Les
prisupposes islamiques de VArt de Lull (Paris: Vrin , 1980) i per tant util com a
treball or ientador . Estudia 1'ambient social, cultural i intel-lectual en el qual
Llull va desenvolupar la seva aproximacib al problema de la "creuada missio-
ne ra" envers musulmans i jueus; estudia els tres viatges nord-africans del
Bea t ; assenyala (aqui amb molts de paral-lels amb 1'article de Lohr) possibles
origens arabs de la doctrina de la pr imera i segona intencib (als matefxos Ger-
mans de la Puresa) , de diverses formes d 'argumentacib luMiana (a 1'almoha-
disme andalus) , de les dignitats (traduccib literal del vocable suff hadra), de
l 'Art com a "maquina de pensar" , i de la famosa terminologia correlativa;
parla , com tambe fa Lohr , de la influencia de ibn Sab'in de Murcia; i estableix
un paral-lelisme entre la "lbgica mater ia l" de Llull i la questib central de la
determinacib del t e rme mitja amb el pensament d'ibn Taymiya. U n treball
interessant i suggestiu, al qual tinc nomes una objeccib: es una mica sorprenent
pels nostres dies (6s a dir, despres dels treballs de Batllori, Hillgarth i P6rez)
t robar un especialista que encara parli d 'un viatge final del Beat des de Tunis
cap a Bugia, on es faria apedregar!


A . Bonner
38) (Vegeu-ne la ressenya al N° 12 mes amunt)






E S T U D I O S L U L I A N O S se publica con la ayuda economica de


INSTITUT D E S T U D I S B A L E A R I C S
C A J A D E A H O R R O S D E B A L E A R E S , " S A N O S T R A "


A J U N T A M E N T D E P A L M A
F U N D A C I O B A R T O M E U M A R C H